





ret 


ES 





ANIINTEREICDNRATAA 


AA i a 3 4 
PA A AN ANN O hoe TIES Teer A O ion y 


145 E 
re 

; H a 
is 


i] 
if 
MEE DIA 





¿ 











iS : ES SiO CEE = E 
y A AA AN AA e ir lt as ” 
PETT NTE EURASIA EOS A 


a A 


26k 








TRAVELLERS || 


> 


WAY 














FER: 





LAL 





0 


ST 


DET 


ai 


Mat REAST Poet Stet te 


5 DIDPRERAZA Ura seaeEGATAGY EME Rae AA PEE 
AA PAX A ins XA A A PA A y A AS ee 
Y RE 5 






me» 











i 





DON JUAN 
OF PERSIA 


A SHAH CATHOLIC 
1560-1604 


BROADWAY TRAVELLERS 


LAIA 
OF PERO TAFUR, 1435-1439 
IN TARTARY AND TIBET 


THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS 
EDITED BY SIR E. DENISON ROSS 
AND EILEEN POWER 
TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES 
AKBAR AND THE FESUITS 
THE TRAVELS OF HUC AND GABET 
DON JUAN OF PERSIA 
SELECTIONS FROM THE 
TRAVELS OF IBN BATTUTA 


THE ENGLISH AMERICAN 
BY THOMAS GAGE, 1631 


LITERARY REMAINS OF 


THOMAS AND ANTONY SHERLEY 
THE VOYAGES AND 4 


a, 


TRAVELS OF MANDELSLO 


THE TRAVELS OF 
CLAVIFO AND SCHILTBERGER 


THE NEW-FOUND WORLDE OR 
ANTARTICKE, BY ANDRE THEVET, 1568 





AQ 
Published by 
HARPER & BROTHERS E 


ao 





> 


» 


DS 


ye 


THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS 


EDITED BY SIR E. DENISON ROSS 
AND EILEEN POWER 


DON JUAN 
OF PERSIA 


A SHEAH CATHOLIC 
1560-1604 


YA 


Translated and Edited with an 
Introduction by G. Le Strange 





PUBLISHERS 


HARPER & BROTHERS 
NEW YORK AND LONDON 


ARANA RARAS 


E CA NE GAR Ne SIA GER IO SAA de 


E 





q 





PO: 
\ vs A 
A 
7 
SA ' 
MY 
o y 
: 3 Ñ Y 
\ ; | 
A 
: 
y x | | | 
} e y 
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN 
BILLING AND SONS, LTD., GUILDFORD 
t a inp 
| Fy JN : 
{ 
, ) 
iy \ Y h mA 





PREFACE 


In 1604, one year before the first edition of the First 
Part of Don Quixote was in print, the book of the 
Relaciones of Don Juan of Persia was published at 
Valladolid in a small 4to of 396 pages. It has never 
been reprinted, nor has it ever been translated from the 
Castilian into any other language. The author was a 
Persian Moslem who had become a Spanish Roman 
Catholic. He had kept a careful diary during his long 
journey from Isfahán to Valladolid, and it appeared to 
him now that this was worthy of presentation to those 
whose faith he had adopted. Further he would tell 
them of Persia and its history. Don Juan, of course, 
is no authority for ancient or medieval history, but his 
description of Persia and his account of the wars waged 
by the Persians during the 16th century against the 
Ottoman Turks contain much that is of interest, for the 
author gives many details of recent events that notably 
add to our knowledge of the history of this some- 
what obscure period. Further, he succinctly describes 
the Safavi rule as first established, and the system of 
government set up in the golden prime of Shah “Abbas. 
Lastly, the journal of his journey through Russia, 
Germany and Italy to Spain is quaintly entertaining. 
As in the case of most of the books printed in Spain 
at the beginning of the 17th century, the proof-correét- 
ing of the Relaciones was not attended to with care. 
Proper names of persons and places are inexactly 
and confusedly printed, even when avowedly, or 
tacitly, a quotation is made from the work of some 
contemporary author. The book mentions a very 
great number of foreign places and persons, and it is 
Vv 


PREFACE 


often difficult to determine whether the extraordinary 
spellings found in the Spanish are due to the ignorance 
of Don Juan, or to the carelessness of his printer. 
Something more on this subject will be said in my 
Introduction. Here all that need be noted is that 
names of persons and places when recognizable are 
given in the translation under the usual English form, 
but in the Index Don Juan's spelling of the same is 
generally added in brackets. When I cannot identify 
a place or personal name, I give it in my translation 
as it Stands in the Spanish text, but then it appears 
in the Index by itself and not in brackets. 

For the identification of the Russian place-names 
I have had the help of Dr. E. H. Minns, and for the 
German Mr. W. F. Reddaway, who has an intimate 
knowledge of the Thirty Years War period, has come 
to my aid. Also Mr. S. Gaselee, who has the Library 
of the Foreign Office to refer to, has solved some 
questions that were puzzling. To Professor F. C. 
Burkitt I am indebted for help in regard to the authori- 
ties used by Don Juan for the early history of Persia; 
and for assistance with the Byzantine historians the 
Rev. W. H. Kent, O.S.C., has very kindly sent me 
notes which proved useful. Further, I am much 
indebted to Sefior A. G. Palencia, the author of the 
well-known Historia de la Literatura Española, who 
through the kind offices of.a friend sent me a reference 
to the works of Salas Barbadillo edited by E. Cotarelo, 
which supplies details regarding the death of Don Juan 
at Valladolid and some other matters of interest. 
Again, a Castilian proverb referred to by Don Juan, 
the first half alone quoted, has been identified and 
completed by a Spanish correspondent to whom my 
friend Mr. Lawrence Lockhart kindly wrote on my 
behalf, thus filling in the gap. To all these good 
friends my thanks are due; and in sadness 1 here add 
the name of my friend the late Professor E. G. Browne, 

vi 


PREFACE 


whose recent death has left Oriental learning the poorer 
in a fashion that cannot easily be recovered. It was 
he, the year before last, who first drew my attention 
to the Relaciones, which he had made use of, quoting 
from it, in the latest volume of his Persian Literature 
in Modern Times. From time to time he also gave me 
much help in the identification of the Oriental names; 
and I have to thank his son Mr. Patrick Browne for 
calling my attention to the translation recently published 
of the Fugger News-Letters, 1568-1605, which report 
the doings of the Persian Ambassador in Prague and 
Rome. Lastly, for the bibliographical matter to be 
found in the notes, very gratefully do 1 acknowledge 
a debt for continuous help from Mr. E. J. “Thomas 
of the Cambridge University Library. The title of a 
book referred to is generally only given, with the 
author’s name, in the first case where it is mentioned; 
and for later references to the work the author’s name 
must be sought in the Index. 


vil 





CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 


Uruch Beg, otherwise Don Fuan of Persia—T he Sherley brothers 


— The Persian embassy to the courts of Europe — The 
ambassador and his secretaries—The Embassy sets out 
from Isfahdu, and reaches Moscow—They travel on to 
Archangel—Thence by sea to the mouth of the Elbe— 
Journey by land to Prague through Saxony—The Imperial 
Court at Prague, journey on to Mantua, Florence and Rome— 
Rome to Valladolid—T'he reception of the Embassy by 
Philip III—T he ambassador proceeds to Lisbon and returns by 
sea, round the Cape of Good Hope to Persia—The conversion 
of Don Fuan, and two other Persians who remain in Spain— 
The death of Don Fuan—How his book was written—Book I 
of the “ Relaciones” —Description of Persia—The early 
history of Persia—The history of Moslem times—The rise of 
Uzun Hasan—Shi‘ah and Sunni : the claims of the House 
of *Ali—T he words Sufi, Safavi and Sophi—The reign of 
Shah Isma‘itl—Sultan Selim the Grim : his vidory at Chal- 
dirán—Sultan Selim invades Syria and Egypt—Sultan 
Sulayman and Shah Tahmásp—Isma'il II and the Princess 
Pari-Khán-Khánum—The blind king Muhammad Khuda 
Bandah—Sultan Murád III invades Georgia— The mutiny 
of the Turkomán tribesmen—T he Turks take Tabriz— Uruch 
Beg (later Don Fuan) present when his father is killed under 
the walls of Tabriz—The murder of Prince Hamzah—Shdah 
‘Abbds becomes king—His treaty with the Turks—The 
arrival of the Sherleys—T he Embassy to the European powers 
sets out— Description Y the Valladolid fy edition of the 
“* Relaciones” 


THE TRANSLATION 


BOOK I 
CHAPTER ONE 


Fuan gives thanks that he, together with two of his fellow 
Persian secretaries, has become a Christian—T'he reason for 
the composition of the following book—The works of Minadoi 
and Botero—The journey from Persia to Spain, and its unique 


PAGES 


charader és : ; a . 5337 


1X 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER TWO 


Ancient Persia or Fars, Shtráz—Luristan and Susiana— Persian 
Iráq—Isfañán the capital of Persia—The province of 
Qazvin—The Hamadán, Gilán and Shirván provinces— 
The Astarábad and Mázxandarán provinces—K hurásán, 
Oandahár and Sistán—T'he city and distrid of Ganjah— 
Azerbayján and Tabriz city—Khoy and Salmás in Kur- 
distán—The Marághah and Khurramábád Distrids— 


PAGES 


Arabian ‘Iraq : ; > . 38-44 


CHAPTER THREE 


The mode of government in Persia—The thirty-two noble families 
in Persia—Matters of war are direded by the Kháns—T he 
attendants of the King—The Ki is s Palace, and the 


Palace of the Queens 5 % 45-48 


CHAPTER FOUR 


Plurality of wives and divorce—The dress of the nobles—The 
turban or Cap with Twelve Points—No carriages, ships or 
galleys—The Persian horses—The army: weapons and 
armour—The Sháh when on campaign : his State Umbrella 
—The Bodyguard of Georgian Renegades—Magic: the 
Alcoran—Medicine and physicians—The tombs of the Sophi 
Kings and Saints—Customs at funerals—Marriage customs 


—The Gypsies, and public women in Persia > 40-87 


CHAPTER FIVE 
The early history of Babylonia and Assyria, from Nimrod to 


Sardanapalus—The ancient glory of Persia and its rulers 58-62 


CHAPTER SIX 


The history of Sardanapalus, and his fall—T he rebellion of Arbaces 
and Belesys—Arbaces King of Persia 


CHAPTER SEVEN 


Cyrus the Great—Kings from Darius to Alexander the Great— 
The Roman Empire—Two of the three Magi, Persian Kings 
—Cesar and Christ Fesus—Satraps in Persia till Sassanian 
times ‘ : . 


= 


63-65 


66-69 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER EIGHT 
PAGES 
Saint Fude and Saint Simon preach the Gospel in Persia—T he 
Christian martyrs—T he Story of Babek and Sasan—Ardashir 
Babegán, the first Sassanian—Sapor I and the Emperor Vale- 
rian—Sapor II, born a King—The bishop Saint Fames and 
the siege of Nisibis—Yazdagird, and the Emperor Arcadius 70-77 


CHAPTER NINE 


Chosroes Anushirván, and the Emperor Fustinian—Defeat of 
Chosroes and loss of the Sacred Brazier—Varahrdn or 
Bahram Chibin—Chosroes Parviz defeats Bahram Chúbin 
—Maurice succeeded by Phocas, and then by Heraclius 78-82 


CHAPTER TEN 


War between Chosroes Parviz and Heraclius—The Persians 
invade Palestine and carry off the True Cross —Vidory of 
Heraclius over the Persians—The return of the True Cross 
to Ferusalem—T he death of Chosroes—Siroes the parricide— 
Shahr-Barz and the last Chosroes—T he Caliph Omar invades 
Persia—His death at Ferusalem—Othman becomes Caliph 83-86 


CHAPTER ELEVEN 


The destruction of the Colossus of Rhodes—‘Alt and Mu‘éwiyah— 
The Coran—The Caliph Yazid—The death of Husayn— 
*Abd-al-Malik, Caliph, and Walid, in whose time Spain 
was conquered—Later Omayyad Caliphs—The rise of the 
Abbasids—The Caliph Mansir—The Caliphs Mahdi and 
Hárún-ar-Rashid—T'he latter’s two sons Amin and Mámún 


—The foundation of Baghdad . : > 87-92 


CHAPTER TWELVE 


The later Abbasid Caliphs : the rise of the Turks—Basasiri and 
Tughril Beg—T'he later Turkish or Tartar overlords—T he 
seven Turkish <Amirs in Asia Minor—The rise of the 
Ottoman power—Othman establishes himself at Brusa— 
Bayazid and Tamerlane—The Embassy of Clavijo 93-96 


CHAPTER THIRTEEN 


Sultan Muhammad the Conqueror and Uzun Hasan—Fosaphat 
Barbaro—His Book of Travels—T he battle of Terján—Death 
of Sultan Muhammad the Conqueror and of Uzun Hasan 97-100 


X1 


CONTENTS 


BOOK II 
CHAPTER ONE 
PAGES 


Sultan Bayazid II—The year 1500, birth of the Emperor 
Charles V—Birth of Shah Isma‘ilin 1472—Shaykh Haydar 
of Ardebil, his father—T he rights of ‘Ali, son-in-law of the 
Prophet Mahomed, to the Caliphate—Death of Husayn, son 
of ‘Ali—The doctrines of the Shi‘ahs and of the Sunnis, as 
held by the Persians and Turks respedtively—Shaykh Haydar 
of Ardebil marries the daughter of Uzun Hasan—Shál 
Isma‘il begins to preach the doGrine of the Shi‘ah Faith— 
He gains possession of Tabriz—The Qizil Bash Cap of 
Twelve Points—As to the title of Grand Sophi 103-111 


CHAPTER TWO 


Shah Isma‘il defeats Alvand and Murád Khdn—Sultan Baya- 
zid II and the Shi‘ahs—The canpaign of Tekelli in Asia 
Minor—Sultan Bayazid is put to death by his son Sultan 
Selim—Sultan Selim invades Persian Armenia—The 
battle of Chaldirán . . : ; 112-119 


CHAPTER THREE 


Sultan Selim I again invades Armenia—Shah Ismail makes 
a treaty with Qánsún the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt—Qdusth 
marches from Cairo to Aleppo—Vidory of the Turks before 
Aleppo, and death of Qansih—Tumdn Bey becomes Sultan 
of Egypt, but is defeated and put to death—Egypt becomes a 
province of Turkey—Deaths of Sultan Selim and of Shah 
Isma‘il—Shah Tahmdsp succeeds in Persia, and Sultan 
Sulaymán the Magnificent in Turkey—Sultan Sulayman 
appears before Tabriz—The Sultan goes to be crowned emperor 
at Baghdad—The lamentable State of Tabriz—Death of 
Sultan Sulayman, who is succeeded by Sultan Selim II 120-127 


CHAPTER FOUR 


Peace between Persians and Turks—T he death of Sultan Selim II, 
and of Shah Tahmásp—His son Muhammad Khudd-Bandah 
being blind, Isma‘il, a younger son of Tahmásp, succeeds— 
Pari-Khan-Khdnum persuades the nobles to proclaim Haydar, 
another son of Shah Tahmásp—Haydar is killed—Shah 
Isma‘il II and his cruelties—He is put to death by the 
nobles—Sultan Murad III prepares to invade Georgia— 
Accession of King Muhammad Khuda-Bandah—Prince 
Hamzah his deputy. z 128-135 

xii 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER FIVE 


The Turks, under Mustafá Pasha, invade Armenia and Georgia— 
The Persians are defeated at Childir— Description of Georgia 
—Intrigues of the Turks and of the Persians with the 
princes of Georgia—Mustafá Pasha captures Tiflis—Prince 


PAGES 


Iskandar joins Mustafá Pasha, who marches into Shirvan 136-146 


CHAPTER SIX 


The city of Eres occupied by the Turks and fortifed—Mustafá 
Pasha marches back to Tiflis and to Erzerim—‘ Adil Ghiray, 
Prince of the Crim Tartars, marches into Shirvén—Prince 
Hamzah surprises ‘Adil Ghiray and takes him prisoner—T he 
reported intrigue of ‘Adil Ghiray and the Begum : both are 
put to death—Othman Pasha bi Shamkhál the Georgian 


Prince to death : 147-155 


CHAPTER SEVEN 


Qars rebuilt and fortified by the Turks—Hasan Pasha vidorions 
over the Persians and Georgians—Tifiis is regarrisoned— 
Hasan Pasha’s disaStrous retreat to Erzerim—Sindn Pasha 
in Tiflis: on his homeward march is defeated—The Shah 
offers peace terms: the Persian ambassador goes to Con- 
Stantinople—T he insult offered him—Georgia again invaded 
—Muhammad Pasha returns to Erzerám : the court-martial 


on Manuchihr—Manuchihr escapes the toils laid for him 156-165 


CHAPTER EIGHT 


The Shah marches on Herdt—'Ali Quli Khdn and Prince *4bbás 
—The siege of Herdt abandoned—T he conspiracy against the 
Vizier Mirza Salmán : his death—Farhdd Pasha sent 
against Eriván—T his city taken and fortified—Manuchihr 
and Simon, the Georgian princes, Steal the Turkish treasure— 
David, brother of Simon, joins the Turks, but Simon remains 
on the Persian side—Amir Khan, the chief of the Turko- 
mans, rebels in Tabriz, butis taken and put to death—Farhád 
replaced by Othman Pasha, whom the Grand Vizier seeks 
to kill—How the plot failed: the disgrace of the Grand 
Vizier—Hasan Pasha governor of Egypt—The revolt of the 
Druses in Palestine suppressed by Ibrahim Pasha—Othman 
Pasha leaves Erzerám, marching on Tabriz—The Turkish 
army plunders Tabriz—Tabriz described—Othman Pasha 
falling sick, dies—The Persians attack the Turkish rear- 


guard at Shenb-Ghazón 5 ; 166-186 


X111 


CONTENTS 
CHAPTER NINE 


The Persians reoccupy the town quarters of Tabriz and lay siege 
to the Turkish fortress—Ineffedual attempt of the Persians 
to carry the fortress by Sorm—Don Fuar's Sather, Sultán 
‘Ali Beg Bayát, tries to surprise the fortress, but is repulsed 
and slain—His memorial portrait in the dede of Haydar 
at Tabriz. : ; ‘ 187-193 


CHAPTER TEN 


The Turkoman tribesmen of Tabriz—Their treacherous condud 
to the Shah—They kidnap Prince Tahmasp—T he tribesmen 
occupy and plunder Qazvin—They set up Prince Tahmásp 
to be Shah, governing in his name—Prince Hamzah marches 
on Qazvin—T'he battle and the vidory of the royal army— 
Prince Hamzah returns to Tabriz—A Turkish army rein- 
forces the fortress at Tabriz: in consequence the Persians 
abandon the siege—The Persians leave Tabriz in possession 
of the Turks—T he Persian headquarters removed to Ganjah 
—The Persian army begins its march back to Qazvín 194-202 


CHAPTER ELEVEN 


Esmi Khan: his conspiracy to kill Prince Hamzah—K hudd-Verdi 
the Barber—Prince Hamzah murdered in his tent—The 
barber is put to death and the traitors go unpunished—Prince 
Hamzah buried at Ardebil—* Ali Khan, the Turkoman, 
rebels in Káshán, and Farhdd Beg, the Georgian, in Isfahan— 
Prince *Abbás governor in Khurásán—T'he rivalry between 
“Ali Quli Khan and Murshid Quli Khán—Murshid overcomes 
his rival—The nobles in Qazvin call upon Prince ‘Abbas to 
come to Qazvin and re-establish order : his father, the blind 
king Muhammad Khudd-Bandah, abdicates—8háh ‘Abbds 
is proclaimed King of Persia . . ‘ 203-211 


CHAPTER TWELVE 


Rebellion in the provinces : Shah‘ Abbds makes peace with Sultan 
Murdd—Khan Ahmad rebels in Gilan—Gildn subdued— 
The revolt in Luristan next suppressed : followed by the revolt 
in the Mázandarán province—Ali Beg the prince of 
ASstarabadd rebels—The Uzbek Tartars, and their Prince 
‘Abd-Allah Khán—They invade Khurásán, take Herát and 
plunder Meshed—The Tartar war continues for eight years 
until the death of ‘Abd-Allah Khan, when the Uzbeks 
are finally vanquished—Death of Sultan Murád III, suc- © 


XIV 


AO NSISERN DS 


ceeded by Sultan Muhammad III—The capital of Persia 
transferred from Qazvin to Isfahán—Tálim Khán the 
Uzbek overruns Khurdsdn—Shah ‘Abbas marches to 
Khurásén and defeats him—His death—The Shah returns to 
Qazvin—Arrival of the Sherley brothers . . 212-228 


PAGES 


BOOK III 
CHAPTER ONE 


The embassy from the Sultan of Turkey—Sir Anthony Sherley : 
he, with a Persian ambassador, is accredited to eight Christian 
sovereigns of Europe—The coming of two Portuguese Friars 
from India—The departure from Isfahan of Sir Anthony 
Sherley with the Persian ambassador and the two Portu- 
guese Friars—Their journey to the Caspian—The Tartars . 
of Manquishlégh—T he Idol —T he Volga mouth is reached— 
Astrakhan—T'he special Persian ambassador to Muscovy— 
Description of ASirakhan : : ; 231-240 


CHAPTER TWO 


The journey up the Volga in galleys—The Nogay Tartars— 
Journey from Kazan towards Moscow : the freezing of the 
Volga : the journey in sledges—Nizhni-Novgorod : the custom 
of their bath-houses—T he Paes Tartars—V ladimir : 
arrival at Moscow : : 241-250 


CHAPTER THREE 


Grand Duke Boris Godunof—The extent and power of Muscovy— 
The Duke receives the ambassadors in audience at the 
Kremlin—The Great Bell of Moscow—The Treasury of the 
Grand Duke—Departure from Moscow—The disappearance 
of the Dominican Friar —The journey down to the Arétic 
Sea—Arrival at Archangel—They embark for Embden 251-262 


CHAPTER FOUR 


The Laplanders, and their reindeer—V oyage past the North Cape— 
Arrival at Embden, and reception by the Duke of Oldenburg 
—Passage through Thuringia—Reception by the Landgrave 
at Kassel—Leipsig and the Palace of the Duke of Saxony 263-271 


e CHAPTER FIVE 
The journey to Prague—T he reception in Prague of the Embassy 
by the Emperor Rudolf II—T hat winter is passed in Prague— 
The road to Munich . 4 : : 272-278 
XV 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER SIX 
PAGES 


The journey to Nuremberg and on to Augsburg—Munich : the Duke 
of Bavaria—The journey down into Italy : Mantua—The 
ambassasor proceeds to Florence—T hey visit the Grand Duke 
at Pisa—Siena : on the way a quarrel breaks out with Sir 
Anthony Sherley—The Embassy reaches Rome and is received 
in audience by the Pope—The disappearance of Sir Anthony 
Sherley, and the conversion to the Christian Faith of three of 
the Persian servants—From Rome to Genoa—By Savona 
the Embassy comes to Perpignan—Crossing the Pyrenees, 
Barcelona is reached—T he Persians come on to Tudela 279-288 


CHAPTER SEVEN 


Don Fuan proceeds to Valladolid and arrangements are made for the 
reception of the Embassy—The entrance of the Persians into 
Valladolid—The reception of the Persian ambassador by 
Philip III—The nephew of the Persian ambassador is con- 
verted to the Christian Faith—T he ambassador takes leave of 
the Spanish Court—The journey to Segovia—Madrid to 
Aranjuez and Mérida—The Persian “ Alfaqui” is killed 
by a fanatic—Badajos to Lishon—Don Fuan travels back 
to Valladolid—Going to the Fesuit House he talks with 
the ambassador's nephew, and is himself converted to 
Christianity. ‘ . a. : 289-301 


CHAPTER EIGHT 


Don Fuan returns to the ambassador at Lisbon—Boniyat Beg, the 

third secretary, declares himself to be a Christian—Boniyat 

Beg is baptized under the name of Don Diego de Persia—Don 

Fuan, pensioned by the King, takes up his residence in 

Spain ; : ; , ‘ 302-308 
Notes . Ps + 309-338 
INDEX - - . : - . 339 


MAPS 


Fourney of Don Fuan of Persia, 1599 to 1602 . . I 

Map of Persia in the year 1600 : . : ‘ee 

Map to illustrate the Georgian Campaigns, 1500 to 1600 nis TOR 
XVI 








PA On 6? Oe ae! Ps 

Ú Pad ae ae . 
EN á 

AO AA TO Y 


A ptdliyen ison as 4 


2 mt = 


ae 


a gt nts ls 


e tae 


- 
n. » 


7 


a 
e 
A 
eine 2 e 
AMOS 20 0 me MO : en 4 
een pi Arale ai ddr hn te 


NS 


. 
aa 
Ms rd 





“ ey eer 








E A - — 


SIS O 


ES ds 










- SOUTNCY CAI 


DORIAN t PESA 
LIGO Gi 602 














»—Sstahan 


al ds a 





Ñ 
¢ 
} 


me pe 








ee tw wy 





Don Juan of Persia 


INTRODUCTION 


Dvurine the years 1602 and 1603, in Spain, and after 
he had become an ardent Roman Catholic, Don Juan 
of Persia, as he was now proud to be called, compiled 
his Relaciones. ‘The work is divided into three parts: 
the First Book describing his native country and its 
government, followed by an epitome of ancient and 
medieval Persian history; the Second Book treating 
of the late wars between the Persians and the Turks, 
and the Third Book dealing with his journey from 
Isfahan into the countries of the West. He had left 
Persia in the year 1599, being one of the four secre- 
taries to the Persian ambassador whom Shah ‘Abbas 
was sending to the princes of Europe under the guidance 
and personal conduct of Sir Anthony Sherley, and 
Don Juan of Persia at this period was a Shi‘ah moslem, 
and bore the name of Uruch Beg. 

As regards the Englishman who was to conduct 
this Persian embassy, Sir Anthony Sherley was already 
of European fame for his services in the Low Countries 
under the Earl of Essex, and in France, where King 
Henry IV had knighted him, a rank, however, never 
officially confirmed by Queen Elizabeth. Also he 
had led a celebrated expedition to the West Indies 
and the Spanish Main, and then had left England 
late in 1598 on what proved a fruitless political mission 
to bring help and intervene in the affairs of the Duke 
of Ferrara. His services in North Italy, however, 
not being accepted or required, he and his brother 
Robert, with twenty-five other Englishmen, took ship 
at Venice in May 1599, proceeding to the East, where, 

B 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


landing at the mouth of the river Orontes, the party 
wentup to Antioch. Thence they passed on to Aleppo, 
and then crossing the desert to the Euphrates, floated 
down in boats, reaching the neighbourhood of the 
ruins of Babylon, which lay at no great distance from 
Baghdad, at that time in the occupation of the Turks. 
From here they made their way into Persia to Qazvin, 
and thence on to Isfahan, where the Englishmen found 
favour with Shah ‘Abbds the Great.* In the first 
decade of the 17th century Persia, then a great power, 
was enjoying a state of prosperity that had been un- 
known since the Arab conquest in the 7th century. 
Its frontiers were once more very nearly those that had 
been held under the Sassanian kings. A century 
before this, the founder of the Safavi monarchy, 
Shah Isma‘il, great grandfather of Shah ‘Abbas, had 
made the Persians a nation by the vigour of his rule, 
further by proclaiming that the Shi‘ah faith, with the 
peculiar doctrine of the Imáms (from whom he traced 
his descent), was to be the one and only orthodox belief; 
thus branding the Turks of the Sunni sect as heretical 
and infidel. For a hundred years he and his successors 
down to Shah ‘Abbas had continually waged war against 
the Turkish Sultans, but with such varying success that 
Shah ‘Abbas had now made up his mind to seek alliances 
with the Christian powers of Europe, who, he trusted, 
would be willing to combine with him against the 
Sultan and by making a flank attack on Constantinople 
mortally harass the ‘Turk. 

Sherley therefore had come at a propitious hour; 
he had no credentials to show from Queen Elizabeth, 
but he represented himself as a noble in her confidence, 
and offered to introduce the Shah’s ambassador to her 
Majesty and to the sovereigns of the various courts of 
Europe. ‘The Persians of that age were well accus- 
tomed to embassies from Christian potentates, and of 
Englishmen in particular in the reign of Shah Tahmásp, 

2 


INTRODUCTION 


the grandfather of Shah *Abbás, Anthony Jenkinson, 
coming from Queen Elizabeth, had been received very 
honourably at Qazvin in the year 1562. ‘The embassy 
therefore was forthwith organized and set out, 
Sherley and one Persian ambassador being jointly 
accredited to eight of the European courts, and a 
second special ambassador was sent forward to await 
their coming at Astrakhan who would accompany 
them as far as Moscow, where this envoy was to remain 
and represent Persia at the court of ‘Tzar Boris Godunof. 
The ambassador to the western powers, as we learn from 
the Fugger Letters,” was an imposing personage of a 
respectable age with grey hair, Husayn “Ali Beg by 
name, and he had with him, as already said, four 
secretaries. One of these was his nephew ‘Ali Quli 
Beg, but he who held the position of First Secretary of 
Embassy was Uruch Beg, subsequently Don Juan of 
Persia, the writer of the Relaciones. Uruch Beg was 
at this time probably just under 40 years of age, and 
he was the son of the late Sultan ‘Ali Beg, who had 
been killed in 1585 at the siege of Tabriz, which city 
the Persians were then trying ineffectually to recover 
from the Turks. This was in the reign of Shah 
Muhammad Khuda Bandah (father of Shah *Abbás), 
and Sultan ‘Ali Beg, of the Bayát family, had been 
a prominent noble of his court. With a regiment of 
300 horse, raised entirely at his own expense, and 
accompanied by his son (the future Don Juan) Sultán 
“Ali Beg had held command in the royal armies; and 
after his death his son had been given the command of 
his father’s regiment by the Shah. We may suppose 
Don Juan to have been at that time about 25 years old, 
hence he would have been born about the year 1560. 
Setting out from Isfahán in July 1599, Sherley and 
his Persian colleague travelled by slow stages to a port 
in Gilán (probably at or near Resht), where they 
embarked on the Caspian for Astrakhan. All August 


3 


DON JUAN' “OF PERSTA 


and September they were buffeted by contrary winds, 
and narrowly escaped shipwreck, but by the beginning 
of October the ship made the mouth of the Volga. 
Here they disembarked, were transhipped into galleys 
and were rowed up the broad estuary to Astrakhan. 
From this city to Kazan Don Juan States that 1t took 
them in boats a two months” voyage, but the distance 
being but little more than 1000 miles in a direct line 
along the river, one month at most probably was the 
time actually spent in travelling. At one Stage above 
Kazan the Volga became frozen; they then transferred 
themselves to sleighs and finally entered Moscow early 
in November. In Moscow as the guests of the Tzar 
the embassy spent the first winter of the outward 
journey, and here on a question of precedence Sherley 
quarrelled with his two Persian colleagues, at first 
declining to pay his respects to T'zar Boris Godunof; 
but matters were arranged finally, and after Eastertide 
of the year 1600 he and his colleague—the Special 
Envoy remaining behind in Moscow—set forward on 
their journey. They went first by land to Yaroslav 
on the upper Volga, where again they embarked on 
galleys, travelling up the stream to Rybinsk. In 
this stage Don Juan calls the river Volga by the name 
of Batem or Barem, a curious mistake or misnomer the 
origin of which I have been unable to trace. From 
Rybinsk their next objeétive was Prague in Bohemia, 
but instead of taking the direct land route westward, 
they were advised, keeping at first to the galleys, to go 
by water vid Archangel, probably on account of their 
heavy boxes of presents and goods (referred to later by 
Don Juan), and they therefore voyaged on slowly 
northward. This meant crossing from Rybinsk on the 
Volga by canal to Totma, on the upper waters of the 
Northern Dvina, down which Archangel on the White 
Sea was ultimately reached. Between Rybinsk and 
Totma the exact waterway is difficult to follow in 


4 


INTRODUCTION 


Don Juan’s narrative, but affluents to one and the other 
river have their sources in common ground, and the 
watershed here is very low. As already said, Don 
Juan calls the upper reach of the Volga at Rybinsk 
the Batem or Barem, and he gives this name also to the 
waterway across to “Totma and again to the river down 
which their galleys rowed to Archangel, this last river 
in fact being the Northern Dvina. 

At Archangel they took ship, and in due course, but 
after a very Stormy voyage round the North Cape and 
down the coast of Norway, reached Stode* at the mouth 
of the Elbe, where Parry, who acted as Secretary to 
Sir Anthony, disembarked, going Straight to England 
with despatches, while Sherley and the Persian ambassa- 
dor went on to Embden, at the mouth of the Weser. 
Here they left their ship, and on landing were received 
and hospitably entertained by the Duke of Oldenburg, 
who showed them the wonders of his palace, after which 
Sherley and the Persians set out by land for Kassel. 
At Kassel the Landgrave of Hesse paid them every 
attention, and Don Juan hereupon takes occasion to 
insert a brief account (borrowed, without acknowledg- 
ment, from Botero) of the chief cities of Central 
Germany. From Hesse-Kassel the embassy passed 
into Saxony, where they stopped at the Duke’s residence, 
but did not see him, as he was out hunting, being, as 
Don Juan notes, a young man much addiéted to sport. 
From Kassel to Prague it is difficult to follow stage by 
stage the route on the map, by reason of the astonishing 
Castilian spellings of the German place-names. The 
capital city of Saxony is called Syplilit, a name which it 
is hard to identify with Dresden, and which more 
probably is Leipzig, where the youthful Duke Chris- 
tian II is stated to have had his palace. To this point 
the route followed appears to have been: Kassel, 
Weimar, Halle and Syplilit, which is Leipzig. From 
here to Prague, going doubtless up the Elbe through 

5 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the Saxon Switzerland, most of the places named, till 
we reach Bohemia, are unrecognizable on any modern 
or 17th century map. Passing the Saxon frontier the 
embassy entered the territories of the Empire, pro- 
ceeding on to Prague in Bohemia, where they found 
the Emperor Rudolf II in residence. This was in the 
autumn of the year 1600, the same in which at Easter- 
tide they had left Moscow, and at Prague they wintered, 
being sumptuously entertained at the Imperial Court.” 

The following spring, with an Imperial Chamberlain 
to see them on their way, they set out from Prague for 
Munich (via Núremberg and Augsburg), where the 
Dukeof Bavaria, who hadrecently abdicated, William II, 
surnamed the Pious, showed them the contents of his 
treasury and his gardens. Our author has hitherto 
given every stage of the journey, from Embden to 
Munich (though in many stages, as already remarked, 
the place-names are unrecognizable), but from this 
capital onwards only the places where the embassy was 
entertained in state are noticed. From Munich, 
therefore, doubtless passing through Inspruck and 
over the Brenner to Botzen and by Trent, they entered 
Italy and went direct to Mantua, where the Duke 
Vincenzo Gonzaga gave them a noble entertainment. 
The ambassador had been commissioned by Shah 
‘Abbas to present his Letters to the Doge of Venice, 
but the Signory, when duly warned, declined to receive 
the Persian envoy, sending for excuse that at this 
moment they were busy with the reception of a Turkish 
ambassador, and the Persians, therefore, from Mantua 
went on to Florence. Here they learnt that the Duke 
Ferdinand de’ Medici was at Pisa, on a hunting ex- 
pedition, but his servants welcomed the embassy and 
showed the foreigners the sights of the city. At 
a later date the Duke and Duchess received them at 
Pisa, when further they were taken down to Leghorn 
to see the new great port in the making, and Don Juan 


INTRODUCTION 


writes that 5,000 slaves were kept busy here on the works 
of the fortress and harbour. From Pisa to Rome they 
travelled by Siena, where the ambassador and Sir 
Anthony had a violent quarrel, the former accusing 
the latter of having stolen and sold to his private profit 
the gifts destined by Shah ‘Abbas for presentation to the 
Pope. This made it impossible for the mission to pro- 
ceed further together. Sherley and the ambassador were 
received in separate audience by Pope Clement VIII, 
after which Sir Anthony gave up his ambassadorial 
commission, in shame or disgust, and set out for 
Venice. While the Persians were staying in Rome in- 
continently the ambassador’s cook and two others of his 
suite announced their conversion to the Catholic faith, 
much to the embarrassment of their master.* 

From Rome the embassy then set out for Spain, 
travelling by land to Genoa, and thence by sea to 
Savona, from which place they came up to Avignon. 
Here the Papal Legate entertained them, forwarding 
them in due course on to Perpignan, where crossing 
the Pyrenees they reached Barcelona, and thence 
through Zaragoza they finally reached Valladolid, 
where the Spanish Court was then in residence. For 
two months they sojourned at the Court of Philip II, 
who received them graciously when presented to him 
by the all-powerful Duke of Lerma. The Persian 
ambassador now decided to go home, having accom- 
plished his mission to the three potentates of Germany, 
Rome and Spain, deeming that a visit to the five 
remaining sovereigns on his list—namely those of 
England, Scotland, France and Poland, with the Doge 
of Venice who had declined to receive him—might 
be left over for some more auspicious occasion. To 
avoid the long land journey homeward across Europe, 
he made up his mind to take his passage back to his 
native land by sea, round the Cape of Good Hope, 
thus to Ormuz on the Persian Gulf, whence Isfahan 


> 


DON“ —LUAN (OF SRE RSs 


might conveniently be reached. ‘The settlement of 
Ormuz at the date in question was still in the occupation 
of the Portuguese, but as such was a port in the Spanish 
dominions, for it will be borne in mind that from 
1583 to 1640 Philip II, III and IV of Spain were in 
succession kings also of Portugal. On their departure 
from his court Philip III generously provided for the 
expenses of the embassy by land to Lisbon, and thence 
on by sea with a free passage to the Persian Gulf: 
for besides many magnificent presents, the Persians 
were given 11,000 ducats in cash for journey money. 
Indeed all along their route, on taking leave in audience 
of the various sovereign princes to whom the embassy 
was accredited, the ambassador and his secretaries had 
invariably received a variety of gold cups, often some 
gold chains, and much silver plate. This in addition 
to cash, namely from the Pope 2,000 ducats, from 
the Emperor 4,800, from the Tzar 3,800, a grand 
total of 21,600 ducats, equivalent to £7,200 sterling of 
those days, and to perhaps ten times as much in the 
value of money at the present time. Such were the 
emoluments of an embassy in the year 1600, with 
free board and lodging everywhere during sojourn. 
[From Valladolid therefore the Persians now set out 
and travelled in a leisurely manner, passing by Segovia 
and the Escoreal to Madrid and Toledo, whence 
across Estremadura Truxillo was reached, and thence 
by Mérida and Badajos on to Lisbon. At each town 
they were sumptuously entertained in accordance with 
orders sent on by Lerma, but when passing through 
Mérida two stages before reaching Lisbon a regrettable 
incident occurred. Among the retinue of the Persian 
ambassador was a Shi‘ah doctor of theology, a Mulla, 
or, as the Spaniards called him, an 4/faquí, whose 
business it was to see to it that the members of the 
Mission walked in the path of Moslem orthodoxy. 
This man, standing at the gate of their lodging in 
8 


INTRODUCTION 


Mérida, was by some mischance stabbed to death by a 
fanatic Spaniard, and the ambassador was much put 
about as to what course to pursue. On consideration 
he decided to go on to Lisbon, where he laid his case 
before Philip III’s Viceroy in Portugal, and Uruch 
Beg (soon to become Don Juan) was then sent back to 
Valladolid to claim redress of the Spanish government. 
This matter was in due course seen to after delay, and 
then from Lisbon the ambassador finally, early in the 
year 1602, set sail on his long sea voyages. He must 
have reached Ormuz during the course of the summer: 
but we do not know the date, nor has any record come 
down to us of his reception, at his homecoming, by 
Shah ‘Abbas, to whom he doubtless reported the 
rather meagre results of his embassy, and what had 
happened to those of his suite who had not returned 
with him.’ For before the ambassador had left 
Spain three principal members of his suite had acted 
in a way causing him much embarrassment. Mos- 
lems, whether Sunnis or Shi‘ahs, rarely change their 
religion. Indeed, in their own country to do so is 
equivalent to suicide, for a renegade by the law of 
Islam suffers death. As we have seen, three followers 
of the Persian Embassy already had remained truant 
in Rome, having abjured the faith of the Prophet, 
and now, when the ambassador was about to leave 
Spain, three of his secretaries proceeded to join the 
Roman communion. 

One, “Ali Quli Beg, was the ambassador’s own 
nephew, and this change of faith, which his uncle 
regarded as perversion, was no light matter; nothing, 
however, could be done to prevent the catastrophe. 
Philip III was to be this nephew’s godfather, giving 
him his royal name; and he duly became Don Philip 
of Persia; though what was his subsequent history 1s 
totally unknown. At the same time and along with 
him was baptized the author of the Re/aciones, and to 


2 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the new Don Juan of Persia Margaret of Austria the 
Queen of Spain stood sponsor. The third convert was 
Buniyad Beg, who took the name of Don Diego of 
Persia, and concerning his subsequent history we learn 
something from the details of a lawsuit he had with 
Salas Barbadillo, a well-known playwright and poet of 
those days. Señor Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, who has 
recently edited the works of Salas Barbadillo, further 
takes occasion in his Introduétion to recount briefly 
the sad fate that overtook our author, Don Juan, in the 
year following the publication of his Relaciones. Onthe 
15th of May of 1605, when Still resident in Valladolid, 
he was involved in a scuffle with the men attending a law 
officer, an Alcalde de Corte, and in the brawl he came 
to be stabbed, cut down and killed. To spare em- 
barrassing questions his body was then and there flung 
into a desolate gulley near the capital, where, as reported, 
it was eaten by the town dogs.® 

Of the book of the Relaciones and how it got itself 
written, something must now be said. ‘The work, as 
judged by competent critics, is composed in excellent 
Castilian, and Uruch Beg, as he then was called, had 
come to Spain at the close of 1601 knowing no Spanish 
to speak of. The Aprovación to print is dated Febru- 
ary 1604, and Señor Cotarelo is of opinion that during 
the previous two years Uruch Beg, now become Don 
Juan, was unlikely to have learnt Spanish enough to 
have composed it. How the book was produced is 
explained in a letter prefixed to the text of the Relaciones, 
in which the Licentiate Alfonso Remón, who states 
that he is an intimate friend of Don Juan’s, introduces 
the book to the special notice of the Royal Chaplain 
and Almoner, Don Alvaro de Caravajal. This 
ecclesiastic had superintended the conversion of Don 
Juan in 1602, and had baptized him by royal command 
in the Palace Chapel at Valladolid. Remon, after 
praising his new friend, as a man well educated in 

IO 


INTRODUCTION 


accordance with eastern Standards, stating further that 
his knowledge of the history and geography of Persia 
was astonishingly profound, continues that he, Remón, 
had recently been helping Don Juan to compose in 
Castilian the work following, translating it page by 
page from the original draft which Don Juan had 
written out in Persian. Now in the penultimate 
chapter of his Re/aciones Don Juan has taken occasion 
to tell us that from the moment when he left Isfahan 
he had carefully kept his Diary, and daily had noted 
down during the long journey all incidents that had 
seemed to him of interest; in order, as he adds, that 
when he should return home to Persia this Diary might 
be presented to Shah ‘Abbas and copied out for the 
instruction of his countrymen. 

This Diary, of course, had been kept in Persian, as 
indeed Remon mentions incidentally, adding that for 
many months after coming to Spain Don Juan was 
quite incapable of writing Spanish. Don Juan indeed 
confesses that while he was a catechumen and learning 
the dogmas of Christianity he was perforce obliged 
to write out all the prayers he had to get by heart, as 
best he could in the Persian script. His colloquial 
knowledge of Castilian possibly began to be acquired 
soon after the embassy had left Rome, for we are told 
the Pope had sent with the Persians, to aét as guide 
and interpreter, a Spanish priest named Don Francisco 
Guasque, Canon of Barcelona, who stayed with the 
embassy all the time they were in Spain. From his com- 
panionship and constantly having to talk Spanish, Don 
Juan doubtless in the year before his conversion must 
have acquired a practical colloquial knowledge of the 
tongue. Having regard to the original Diary, however, 
Persian being written in the Arabic charaéter, is as ill- 
adapted as may be for registering Russian and German 
place-names, hence the astonishing spellings that we 
meet with in the itinerary. Further, these names during 

II 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the composition of the Relaciones had to be read out 
aloud by Don Juan from his draft Diary to Remón, 
who, listening to Don Juan's utterances, proceeded to 
diétate what he heard to an amanuensis, who wrote it 
all down in accordance with Castilian orthography. 
For it is evident from many mistakes that are of the ear, 
not of the eye, that the book before us was transcribed 
by one who set down what was dictated. This is clear 
both from his version of the strange names pronounced 
by Don Juan, and from what Remon was reading aloud 
from the authorities (Italian and Spanish) he was con- 
sulting in the compilation of the historical parts of 
his work.? ‘Then followed the lack of proof correcting, 
to which reference has been made in my Preface. 
Remon indeed had no easy task, and to fill in 
historical blanks and to guide him in the account of the 
journey through Russia and Germany, two countries 
with whose geography he must have been but im- 
perfectly acquainted, he now kept open before him 
the excellent contemporary geographical compendium 
written in Italian by Giovanni Botero,*” already re- 
ferred to. Botero, however, is not by any means the 
only author quoted in the Re/aciones, as will be seen 
from the list given in the note.” 

Leaving now the Diary of the long journey through 
Europe (forming the contents of the Third Book), some 
account is due of the first two Books of the Re/aciones. 
The initial chapter of the work, it is clear, must have 
been entirely the composition of the Licentiate Remon, 
and sets forth very piously the satisfaction felt by 
Don Juan at having embraced Christianity. He is 
also very proud of that long journey of his, which he 
says may take a third place after Marco Polo and 
Magellan; and he promises to correét the geography of 
Botero and the history of the wars between Turks and 
Persians which Minadoi had recently published.” 
The second chapter gives a description of the various 

12 


INTRODUCTION 


provinces of Persia, but for the most part this is merely 
a re-arrangement of what Remón found in Botero: 
Don Juan, however, has here and there added a few 
details of interest from personal recollections of his 
native land. ‘The next two chapters, which are entirely 
the composition of Don Juan, Remón only holding the 
pen, are interesting. The first deals with the mode 
of government of Shah ‘Abbas. ‘The names are given 
of the 32 noble families whose ranks supplied all the 
officers or government officials, and the various depart- 
ments of the state are enumerated. In more than one 
case, as might be supposed, it is evident that Persia 
is much changed from what obtained in the early 17th 
century. The palace which the Shah’s many wives 
inhabited was then called the Haram, a term now only 
applied to the sanctuary of a Mosque. This was, of 
course, in the main guarded by eunuchs: but as well as 
these people Don Juan states that there were in attend- 
ance a number of “escuderos ” or squires, aged 70 
and upwards, who looked after and diverted the ladies. 
These Duennas of the male sex are a novelty not 
mentioned apparently elsewhere, and at the present 
day the king of Persia would certainly not tolerate 
gentlemen even of 70 to attend and wait upon his 
wives. The succeeding chapter is on manners and 
customs, and is in every way noteworthy. How 
burials and marriages were conducted, how the soldiers | 
were armed and of their armour (which was then manu- 
faétured in such abundance in Persia as to be a com- 
modity of export to Muscovy), the cost of living and 
the loose morals of the gypsies, all these and other 
matters are touched on, and what we learn proves 
that Persia at the present day is no longer what it was 
in the spacious days of Shah “Abbas. 

The Relaciones now takes up the history of Persia 
beginning with the times of Nimrod, the following 
five chapters (5 to 9 of Book I), which are doubtless 


13 


DON JUAN "OF PERSIA 


the work of Remón, in a jejune epitome, bringing us 
down to the fall of the Sassanian monarchy and the 
subsequent rise of Islam. The most part is a mere list 
of kings from Berosus or Ctesias, with a display of 
classical erudition on the part of Remon, who is always 
remiss in correcting his proofs. Being a very patriotic 
Persian, Don Juan was anxious to get his friend and 
editor Remón to show clearly how the Persian monarchy 
of the Safavi kings was in fact the heir-general of the 
Assyrian and Babylonian dynasties which had ruled 
these countries since history began. All notice of 
the Parthians is omitted, and the Sassanians are dealt 
with by Remón from the classical standpoint, his chief 
authority being Agathias, whose History had recently 
been published, the Greek text with a convenient 
Latin translation by Scaliger and Dousa. The last 
four chapters of the First Book take up the annals of 
the Moslem Empire, and here it must be remembered 
that Don Juan is unlikely to have brought with him 
from Persia any manuscript providing a compendium 
of Islamic history, such, for instance, as would have 
been Hamd Allah’s Guzidah. For lack of some such 
work (and the libraries of Valladolid certainly would 
not have supplied any Persian texts) he had to rely on 
what Remon could glean from Botero’s Re/ationi 
Universali, and from such of the Byzantine historians 
as had been published (the Greek texts with Latin 
translations) before 1600. ‘This meagre course was 
supplemented, and commented on, by what Don Juan 
himself could remember, from the teaching of his 
school days in matters of history. In 1600 no Arabic 
text of any Moslem historian had yet been printed, for 
the first to see the light was the Historia Saracenica of 
Elmacin, published by Erpenius at Leyden in the 
year 1625. In this case, of the Byzantines, Remon 
appears to have made use of Cedrenus (Bale, 1566), 
Scylitzes (Venice, 1570), and Zonaras (Paris, 1567, or 
14 


iN ERODUGTION 


Frankfort, 1587), where in each case, beside the Greek 
text a Latin version, in aid, is supplied. ‘The History 
of Theophanes, which would have been a more reliable 
guide, was unfortunately not available, as the earliest 
edition is that of Paris, 1655. Don Juan, aided by 
Remón, from these very jejune authorities has, on the 
whole, given a very fair summary of the history of the 
Caliphate. He discreetly says little about the Prophet 
Mahomed, and in the pride of his new faith only gives 
passing allusions to the abominable doétrines of the 
Coran. 

Coming to the first three Caliphs, he explains how the 
three wicked men Abu Bakr, Omar and Othman kept 
‘Ali out of his rights, and the history of the Omayyads 
and Abbasids is told as leading up to the victory of 
the House of “Ali and the Shi‘ah faith in the person 
of Shah Isma‘il, the founder of the Safavi monarchy. 
His hero in Omayyad times is Mukhtar, who avenged 
the death of “Ali's son Husayn, and with the coming 
of the Abbasids it is Abu Muslim, their missioner in 
Khurasán, who is his hero: and Don Juan claims that 
both these men were among the ancestors of Shah 
Isma‘il. Following on the story of the Baghdad 
Caliphate the Seljuq Turks and the Tartars are briefly 
referred to, which leads to an account of the rise of the 
Ottoman Sultans in Asia Minor, in later days to 
become the chief adversaries of the Safavi kings of 
Persia. As already explained, it is evident that when 
composing the text of the Relaciones Remon had open 
before him various volumes of the Byzantine historians, 
and this method of composition must account for 
the curious spelling of many proper names. Some 
mistakes, however, are doubtless due to lack of proof 
correcting, which may explain why Omar appears as 
Hosmaz or Oromaz, and Othman as Odman or Ozmin. 
It is generally quite easy to identify the person who is 
meant from the date and the incidents recorded, but 


fd 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


while, for instance, the names of Hárún-ar-Rashid and 
Mámún are plain, Amin, the elder brother of the latter 
Caliph, appears as Imbrael, and Tughril Beg the 
Seljuq, son of Mikhail, figures under the Byzantine 
disguise of Trangolypico Moncaleto (following 
Zonaras and others). This name became well known 
in Europe, for Richard Knolles, a contemporary 
of Don Juan, has much to tell of Tangrolipix in his 
Generall Historie of the Turkes,* where he relates how 
he, the “ chief of the Salzuccians, slays Pisasiris, Calyph 
of Babylon.” 

With the rise of Shaykh Haydar to power the history 
of Persia as a nation begins. He was the father of 
Shah Isma‘il, and we are given an account of the 
ancestors of the Safavis, with an exposition of the rights 
of the House of “Ali, also how and why the Shi‘ahs 
differ in all points from the Sunnis; why, in short, 
Persians and ‘Turks never can agree. This leads in 
the first instance to the biography of Uzun Hasan 
(1466 to 1478), “ Tall Hasan,” the great chief of the 
White Sheep Turkomans, who just before Safavi 
times ruled Persia very gloriously, and contended on 
no unequal terms with Sultan Muhammad Il, the 
Conqueror of Constantinople. Uzun Hasan is a 
figure of some note in the pages of the various works 
translated in the volume of Travels of Venetians in 
Persia,“ where Zeno refers to him as Ussun Cassano 
and the Anonymous Merchant as Assambei, describing 
the magnificent palace which Uzun Hasan built at 
Tabriz and which Shah Isma‘il occupied in later 
days. Don Juan States (but giving no authority) 
that Uzun Hasan was descended from a certain Hasan 
Beg who was one of the many Turkish chiefs ruling 
in Asia Minor during the latter part of the 14th 
century, when this country was divided under the 
Ten Turkish Amirs; of whom one family survived to 
become the House of Ottoman. The sister of Uzun 

16 : 


Pare ROD UCT TON 


Hasan was the mother of Shaykh Haydar, and to him, 
his nephew, Uzun Hasan subsequently gave his 
daughter in marriage, who became the mother of 
Shah Isma‘il. Uzun Hasan's wife was Despina, 
daughter of Kalo Joannes, the last Greek Emperor of 
Trebizond. Thus through his mother and maternal 
erandmother Shah Isma‘il claimed descent from the 
Comneni Emperors of Constantinople, while on the 
father’s side he was, in the direct male line, the repre- 
sentative of the Seventh Imám Musa Kazim, fourth 
in descent from Husayn, the grandson of the Prophet 
Mahomed. Of how Shah Isma‘il, the son of Shaykh 
Haydar, established the dynasty of the Safavis and 
became the first king of all Persia more will appear 
later. It is of importance clearly to point out that ~ 
for Persia this coming of the Safavis was more than a 
mere change of rulers, for it produced a change of 
religious belief. ‘The outstanding fact that came to be 
established by the new government of Shah Isma‘il 
was that the Persians had become a nation. And this 
he had effected by imposing on all Persia the Shi‘ah 
creed, which once for all differentiated them from their 
neighbours on the west, the Sunni Turks. The Shi‘ah 
doctrine, the right divine of the Imáms to supreme 
kingship, and therefore for their descendants the right 
to govern the land of Persia, was already before this 
period an ideal of the majority of Persians; and two 
centuries before the date of Shah Isma‘il, according to 
Hamd Allah Mustawfi, in many towns throughout 
Persia those of the Shi‘ah faith equalled those of the 
Sunni population. He, Shah Isma‘il, came to rule, 
being the direct descendant of the Prophet through the 
Imáms; and the blood of Sassanian kings also was in 
his veins, for his ancestor Husayn (grandson of 
Mahomed) had married Shahr-Banu, the daughter of 
Yazdagird, the last of the Sassanian kings, and her 
son was Zayn-al-‘Abidin the Fourth Imam. 
17 c 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Toleration in religious matters was disregarded in 
the East as in the West in the 17th century, and 
Isma‘il insisted that all Persians should at prayer time 
curse the first three Caliphs in Islam, Abu Bakr, Omar 
and Othman, who had robbed ‘Ali, “the Friend of 
God,” and his lawful descendants of their birthright 
during the last thousand years. Further, to distinguish 
the orthodox from the heterodox, Shah Isma‘il’s 
followers all now wore the Red Cap, with twelve points, 
so fashioned to typify. very clearly the number of 
the orthodox Imáms. From that date Qizil Bash 
(“ Red Head ”) therefore became the Turkish name for 
the Persian Shi‘ahs, and the Red Cap with twelve 
gussets in many colours is carefully described, this, 
according to Don Juan, being a form of bonnet that had 
been invented originally by ‘Ali, the Prophet’s son-in- 
law: he, however, gives no authority for this fantastic 
Statement. ‘The missioners of the Shi‘ah doétrines © 
were the Sufis, and their name has been often wrongly 
connected with Safavi, the name of the new dynasty. 
In Persian the word Sufi (a dervish, otherwise a mystic) 
is said to be derived from Súáf, “ wool,” the material 
from which the garments of these religious mendicants 
was commonly made; while the dynasty of which 
Shah Isma‘il was the founder took its name of Safavi 
(the adjective form of Safi) from Shaykh Safi-ad-Din of 
Ardebil, the illustrious and saintly ancestor of the royal 
house. Etymologically, therefore, Sufi and Safavi 
have nothing to do with each other, but the names 
being much alike, and both in common use, led Euro- 
pean travellers and writers of the 16th and 17th 
centuries to call the Safavi king of Persia the Grand 
Sophi. ‘The origin of this name being thus in dispute, 
Don Juan on more than one occasion states very 
emphatically that the Grand Sophi was indeed the 
great Sufi or Dervish, but that this name was not 
derived either from the Greek word codés, “ wisdom,” 


18 


INTRODUCTION 


as falsely asserted by some, or as might follow by 
implication from Safaví, the family name of the monarch 
of Persia. Don Juan indeed makes the distinétion 
between the proper name Safi and Sufi quite clear, 
for when mentioning Shah Isma‘il I. in speaking 
of his tomb, it is as Xiek-Sof or Xiche Sophi that 
he appears in his transliteration.'? 

The Second Book of the Relaciones takes up the 
history of Persia during the 16th century, the period of 
the long duel between the Turks and the Persians. 
Ready at hand for relating the events of this 
16th century, Don Juan, or rather his editor the 
Licentiate Remón, had open before him the well- 
known work on these famous wars, composed in 
Italian by Giovanni Thomaso Minadoi, and the 
errors of this book, as already mentioned in the 
first chapter of Book I of the Relaciones, Don Juan 
has been at much pains to correét.'?* Further, Remon 
appears to have used the History of the Ottoman 
Sultans written in Latin by Boissard; this work also 
being the chief authority on which Richard Knolles 
depended for composing his great Historie of the Turkes 
mentioned on a previous page.” The whole of 
Book II of the Relaciones may indeed be regarded as 
a condensed and rearranged translation of Minadoi, 
corrected and amplified by what Don Juan knew, 
from his father, and from oral tradition about the events 
of the century just elapsed, covered by the reigns of 
father, uncle and grandfather of Shah ‘Abbas. In 
many ways it is an ample and graphic picture of 
medieval Persia during the early days of that country’s 
greatest prosperity.® 

After describing in some detail the rise of the Safavi 
power under Isma‘il the first Sophi, an account is given 
of Isma‘il’s war against Sultan Bayazid II. At this 
time Tekelli, in command of the Persian irregular 
forces, was carrying fire and sword throughout 


de. 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Anatolia (Asia Minor), where a recent massacre, by 
the Sultan’s orders, of his Shi‘ah subjects had provoked 
the ardent sympathy of their Persian co-religionists; 
and Don Juan speaks of a great victory gained by 
Tekelli over the Turks, who were under the command 
of Prince Qurqud, Sultan Bayazid’s son. Tekelli’s 
victorious career across Asia Minor, according to our 
author, at one time brought him up to the shores of the 
Bosporus, so that he came near to raiding the suburbs 
of Constantinople, but on this incident the Turkish 
historians are entirely silent. With the accession of 
Sultan Selim the Grim to the throne, the tables were 
quickly turned. Western Persia was invaded, and in 
1514 the great victory of Chaldirán enabled Selim 
temporarily to occupy Tabriz (at that time Shah 
Isma‘il’s capital) and the king had to retire with his 
beaten army eastward. For the Turks, however, it 
proved an almost barren victory. Don Juan is proud 
to tell of the immense number of the combatants 
engaged on either side in this celebrated battle, and he 
says that in his youth he had known old men, living 
at Isfahán, who told him stories of their deeds of 
valour in that war. The Turks soon afterwards 
evacuated Tabriz, and Shah Isma‘il, back in his capital, 
now seeking an ally against the Sultan, despatched an 
embassy to Cairo to the Burji Mamluk, Sultan Qansuh. 
This move Sultan Selim countered by ordering the 
immediate invasion of Syria. The Egyptians were 
defeated in a battle fought outside the walls of Aleppo, 
where the Turkish artillery made havoc of the famous 
cavalry of the Mamluks, and Sultan Qansuh was left 
dead on the field, from which his army fled. ‘Thus 
Syria was lost, and Selim marched on to Cairo. All 
Egypt, after another battle lost, submitted, which 
thenceforward became a province of the Turkish 
Empire. 

In 1520 Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent succeeded 

20 


INTRODUCTION 


his father Selim the Grim, and four years later Shah 
Tahmásp was king in the room of his father Isma‘il, 
governing Persia for the next fifty-two years, during 
the course of which on five different occasions the 
north-western provinces (Azerbayján and Georgia) 
suffered invasion by Turkish armies, Baghdad also, 
with most of Mesopotamia, passing into the power of 
the Turkish Sultan. Sulayman the Magnificent died 
in 1566, being succeeded on the throne by his son 
Selim II, known as the Sot, and ten years later the long 
reign of Shah Tahmasp reached its close. His eldest 
son Muhammad Khuda Bandah, being partially blind, 
was easily ousted by his brother Isma‘il, who for two 
years with much shedding of blood ruled as Shah, 
first with and then without the support of his remarkable 
sister, the Princess Parí-Khán-Khánum. His death 
in 1578 brought his elder brother, the blind Prince 
Muhammad, back to the throne; the princess was 
decapitated, and her head stuck on a lance point was 
exposed at the gates of Qazvín, now become the Persian 
capital—a shocking sight to the people, which Don Juan 
much deplores; and he may indeed have seen it, for he 
must have been a youth of eighteen at this date. The 
government then came into the hands of Prince 
Hamzah, the blind king’s eldest son, who loyally 
and to the best of his capacity carried out his father’s 
behests; the Persians doing their best to resist the re- 
newed Ottoman invasion of Georgia. Here the troops 
of Sultan Murad III (the son of Selim the Sot, who died 
in 1574) had appeared in 1577, under the command of 
Mustafá Pasha, already famous as the conqueror of 
Cyprus. The semi-independent kingdom of Georgia, 
for the most part inhabited by Christians, had suffered 
much in the earlier years of the 15th century by the 
ravaging conquest of Tamerlane. It was now in the 
last quarter of the 16th century ruled by six independent 
princes who had hitherto chiefly looked for support 
21 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


to Persia, but they were already being constrained to 
bow before the invading Turkish power. The 
Georgian princes, from this period onward, perforce 
became renegades, Sunni or Shi‘ah, as best suited the 
exigencies of the moment. The Turkish armies, 
coming up through the Armenian mountains, took 
and garrisoned Tiflis on the river Kur (or Cyrus), and 
next sought to dominate the Shirván province which 
lies to the eastward, extending down to the Caspian 
and as far as Derbend, a celebrated fortress, which 
the Turks called Demir Qapú (the Iron Gate), and the 
Arabs Bab-al-Abwab (the Gate of Gates). 

To the events which resulted in the subjugation of — 
Georgia by the armies of Sultan Murad III, Don Juan 
devotes several chapters of his work, explaining how 
in a few years Georgia, with all the lands lying to the 
south of the Caucasus range, namely Mingrelia and 
much of Armenia, became a province of the Turkish 
Empire. The invasion began in 1578, and for the 
most part Minado1 is the source used by Remon, whose 
knowledge of the Italian frequently fails him, with the 
result of not a few mistranslations. He might with 
advantage have used Herrera’s excellent Spanish 
version of Minadoi, but this apparently was not then 
available in the Valladolid library. At the time of the 
Turkish invasion of Georgia Don Juan must have been 
almost grown up, and he may in the later days of the 
conquest have heard of, and when writing his Re/aciones 
have remembered many of the events related in the 
pages of Minadoi’s History. Leaving aside for the 
moment the affairs of Georgia on the western frontier, 
Don Juan next devotes a long chapter to Herat in the 
north-east, where Prince ‘Abbas (afterwards Shah), 
then a boy of twelve, was governor of Khurasán in the 
name of the Shah, his father; and here the many mistakes 
of Minadoi as to what was actually happening in Herat 
are corrected by the accounts that Don Juan heard from 

2D 


INTRODUCTION 
the lips of his father Sultan ‘Ali Beg Bayát, who was 
at Herat in attendance on the young prince. Our 
author next reverts to Georgia, where the Turks were 
settling their conquest in preparation for a southward 
move on Erivan, whence they might threaten and 
ultimately get possession of the rich Persian province 
of Azerbayjan, with the great city of ‘Tabriz, its capital. 
Pasha succeeded Pasha as Ottoman commander-in- 
chief in Georgia, while Sultan Murad III per- 
sonally directed the campaigns by orders sent from 
Constantinople. Slowly but surely the conquest 
was effected. Qars, which was the Turkish frontier 
fortress, was now connected by strongly garrisoned 
posts back with Erzerúm and thence north to the 
Black Sea at Trebizond, to which port supplies were 
constantly shipped from Constantinople. 

As against the Persian lack in this arm, the great 
advantage of the Turks lay with their artillery, with 
which all their armies were well provided. Tiflis 
they garrisoned and successfully held against all 
attempts of the Georgians to retake it, and the passes 
of the mountains were safeguarded by many forts 
commanding the long road by which convoys passed 
from Trebizond to Erzerúm and Qars and the Tomanis 


- pass up into Georgia. To reach Eriván a well-guarded 


road direct from Qars was established, and Eriván was 
then quickly taken from the Persians; becoming a 
great “Turkish Stronghold, and base, by the building of 
a new fortress on the heights above the town, of which 
the remains may still be admired. All these works 
required large sums of money, which the Turkish 
government had to convoy safely in cash to their 
commanders in the outpost garrisons; but at Tiflis 
and elsewhere it is evident that the troops found no 
difficulty in supplies, and they were able to buy their 
provisions from the friendly renegade Georgians, round 
and about, whose country they were slowly but surely 


23 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


engaged in absorbing. Up to this moment the Turks 
had been engaged in overrunning the tributary 
provinces lying beyond Persia proper, but Sultan 
Murád's next move was against Tabriz, then the most 
important commercial city of Persia, where the caravan 
routes from the west and from the east met. ‘Tabriz 
was peopled by unwarlike merchants, and its 
fighting strength had to come from the Turkoman 
tribesmen settled as nomads at some distance from the 
city in the fertile plains of the Azerbayjan province. 
Unfortunately the Turkomans were at the time in a 
state of feud against the Persian government, for their 
chief had recently been put to death by Prince Hamzah 
under suspicion (wrongfully, it was said) of an intention 
to rebel against the Shah. ‘Thus Tabriz, almost 
undefended, quickly fell to Othman Pasha, who pro- 
ceeded to build a great fortress here, to be held by a 
strong garrison. ‘The Persians strove for many months 
to retake what had been so ingloriously lost; and our 
author, then known under the name of Uruch Beg, 
makes his first appearance on the scene, as a young man 
fighting at his father’s side in the Persian army laying 
siege to the Turks in their new stronghold, and present 
when his father was killed in a gallant attempt to 
Storm the main bastion of the fortress. 

During the next fifteen years all that happened in 
Persia is described from the observations, or recollec- 
tions, of an eye-witness, for our author succeeded to 
his father’s place in the Shah’s favour, and fought under 
the command of Prince Hamzah the regent. Do what 
they would Tabriz fort could not be retaken from the 
Turks, and the next move of the rebellious Turkoman 
tribesmen was boldly to kidnap one of the Shah’s 
younger sons, Tahmásp Mirza, a boy of twelve, and 
the rebels marching away from the neighbourhood of 
Tabriz captured and occupied Qazvin, at that time the 
capital city of Persia. ‘The season was winter; the 


24 


INTRODUCTION 


Sháh and Prince Hamzah were detained besieging the 
Tabríz fortress, and they had to endure the affront of 
the Turkomans taking possession of the capital, where 
they set up the boy Tahmasp as nominal king. During 
that winter Tabriz suffered many things. The spring, 
however (of 1586), saw the turning of the tables. 
Prince Hamzah, leaving his father in camp before 
Tabriz fort, marched with all available forces on Qazvin. 
The Turkomans evacuated the capital to meet the 
prince in the open field, and were completely routed; 
young Tahmásp Mirza, being taken prisoner, was 
despatched, blinded, to end his days at Alamút, the 
famous castle in the hills north of Qazvin, where five 
centuries before the Chief of the Assassins, the “ Old 
Man of the Mountain ” of Marco Polo, had established 
the centre of his power. During this short campaign 
against the rebel tribesmen our author was in command 
of a squadron of horse under Prince Hamzah, and the 
details of the struggle are narrated at first hand. With 
the prince he now returned to the camp at Tabriz, 
and learnt that the Turks had sent an army of 200,000 
men from Constantinople under Cigala Pasha, in part 
to reinforce the garrison of the Tabriz fort, and in 
part to strengthen their outposts on the frontiers of 
Persia at Erivan and Tiflis. It now became evident to 
Prince Hamzah that the blockade of ‘Tabriz fort would 
not lead to its capture, and under his orders the Persians 
evacuated their camp, dismantling the town forti- 
fications. Then the civil population, urged and aided 
to carry off with them all their goods and chattels, were 
escorted out and sent to people neighbouring towns 
further in the interior of the country. The king and 
Prince Hamzah at the head of the army now marched 
north to Ganjah, the capital of the mountainous district 
of Qarabagh lying to the south-east of Tiflis: this with 
the view of effecting a demonstration in force that 
should safeguard the Persian frontier in that quarter. 


oat 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


This done, the army, after resting awhile, set out from 
Ganjah on its return to Qazvin, the capital, and it was on 
the march thither that an event occurred —namely, the 
unexpeéted murder of Prince Hamzah by his barber— 
which entirely changed the political situation. Don 
Juan (as Uruch Beg) was present in the camp when the 
deed was done, and the details are carefully chronicled. 
The cause of the crime has been variously given, 
but according to Don Juan it was a political plot of 
several great nobles of the Shámlú Clan, who wished by 
removing Prince Hamzah to bring in his son, a boy 
under age, as nominal regent, whom they should govern 
while continuing to rule the State in the name of the 
blind king, the boy’s grandfather. ‘The event turned out 
otherwise, and served to bring Prince ‘Abbas (at that 
time a youth in his seventeenth year) on the scene from 
Herat, where he was acting governor. Forthwith 
begins his reign of over forty years, for his blind 
father abdicated the kingship and in 1588 (the year 
with us of the Spanish Armada) Shah ‘Abbas the Great 
assumed the crown. The beginning of the reign 
found Persia beset on the west by the Ottoman armies, 
and threatened on the north-east by the Tartar hordes 
otherwise known as the Uzbeks. Also most of the 
home provinces of Persia were seething with revolt 
against the newly established government at Qazvin. 
Young Shah ‘Abbas showed his grasp of Statesmanship 
by making terms without delay, though at heavy 
cost, with the Turk. A formal treaty with Sultan 
Murad III left Tabriz with most of the province of 
Azerbayjan, and all Georgia, in peaceable possession 
of the Ottoman power; and Shah ‘Abbas was thereby 
enabled to concentrate his forces against the petty 
potentates who were rebelling in Gilan, Luristan and 
Mazandaran. Next the Uzbeks, who unchecked had 
been overrunning and plundering all Khurasan, were 
defeated in a great battle near Herat, and Persia was 
26 


INTRODUCTION 


then, for the first time for many a long year, at 
peace. 

Seven years later, when the reign of the feeble Sultan 
Muhammad III, who had succeeded in 1595 his father 
Murad III, was drawing to its close, Shah ‘Abbas 
deemed that the time had come to denounce the peace 
treaty and turn the Turks out of ‘Tabriz, re-establishing 
Persian dominion over Azerbayján and Georgia. But 
this only began to get accomplished in 1602, which 
is after the date when Uruch Beg had left Persia on 
the embassy to the western powers, and hence does 
not come within the scope of the present narrative. 
In nearly all the campaigns, during the first eight 
years of his reign, which Shah ‘Abbas waged in order 
to settle his government, our author took his part as a 
fighter, and the history of the time is told by him with 
much detail. The incidents are characteristic of the 
age. In Luristan the rebel prince takes shelter in a 
_ fort garrisoned by Turks: the Shah is nominally at 
peace with the Ottoman power, but the Persians 
arriving in force burn the gates of the fort and capture 
the fugitive, the Turks further unmolested making no 
Opposition or protest. In Gildan the local prince is 
defeated and takes ship to cross the Caspian with his 
treasures and his beautiful Georgian slave girl (she had 
cost him 10,000 crowns): landing on the west coast 
(probably at Baku) they cross Georgia to the eastern 
shore of the Black Sea (probably to near Poti), and then 
embark for Constantinople, where both are well re- 
ceived by the Sultan and take up their abode unmolested 
in his capital. ‘To the east of Gilan in the Asterabad 
province the rebel prince plays a trick on the Persian 
commander, keeping him the whole winter besieging 
a castle built of boards, but covered with white plaster 
so as outwardly to simulate stone work. After the 
great battle near Herat when the Uzbek power was 
annihilated, the army marched home, bearing with them, 


27 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


according to Persian custom, 24,000 Tartar heads. 
Indeed, as late as forty years ago in Persia (and possibly 
it may Still there be the custom) the only proof that a 
rebel was duly disposed of and dead was the production 
in public of his head, generally accompanied by the 
heads of as many of his followers as could conveniently 
be collected. Book II of the Relaciones closes with an 
account of the transference of the capital from Qazvin 
to Isfahan, and then our author relates the coming of 
the two Sherley brothers in 1599. ‘This immediately 
brings Don Juan to his account of how the Persian 
Embassy to the powers of Europe was resolved on, 
followed by the description of the journey which forms 
the subject of Book III, the summary of which has 
been set in the forefront of the present Introduction. 
In conclusion, it may prove interesting to describe 
the volume belonging to the Cambridge University 
Library, of which the following pages give a translation 
of the Castilian text. The pages of this little 4to 
measure 20 cm. by 16 cm., and, beginning with the 
title, there are twelve unnumbered folios (which it has 
seemed needless to translate) before coming to the 
numbered (recto and verso) folios of the three Books 
of the Relaciones. The title-page bears date of dio 
1604 and continues: con privilegio, Valladolid, por Juan 
de BoStillo en la calle de Samano. On the next folio 
are the corrigenda, which, however, leave most of the 
misprints unnoticed. Its verso has the .AÁprovación 
of the Jesuit Francisco de Galarza, and the Tasa 
of three and a half Maravedis for each sheet. The 
next folio contains the licence to print of King Philip 111 
addressed to Don Juan de Persia, and the following 
folio sets forth Don Juan’s Dedication to his Catholic 
Majesty. ‘The fifth folio contains a short address from 
Don Juan to his Reader, but this mentions nothing of 
any interest. ‘The next folio (reo) prints a Sonnet 
in honour of Don Juan, written by Doctor Maximiliano 
28 


INTRODUCTION 


de Céspedes, and (verso) 1s followed by another Sonnet 
from the pen of Doña Ana de Espinosa y Ledesma, a 
native of Segovia; neither seems worthy of translation. 
The next two folios contain the interesting letter, 
already spoken of above, p. 10, written by the Licen- 
tiate Remón to Don Alvaro de Caravajal, Court Chap- 
lain to the King and Queen, in which he, Remón, 
explains how he came to help Don Juan, in his ignorance 
of Spanish, to compose the work that follows. The last 
three unnumbered folios give us seven more Sonnets, 
written by various friends of Don Juan in his honour; 
but these, like the other verses, may reasonably be left 
to be read in their native Castilian tongue. 

Then come the three Books which go to form the 
Relaciones, Starting on folio 1 redo, and ending on 
folio 173 recto with Laus Deo to conclude the 345 
pages of text. From folio 173 verso to folio 175 verso 
we have ten groups of Exemplos (Sayings), which Don 
Juan gives us as the cream of Persian wit and wisdom. 
The Exemplos are turned out in quatrain form, and 
should best be appreciated in the original Spanish, 
being, in the form printed, without doubt the work 
of the Licentiate Remon. The next twelve folios 
_ provide a Table of Contents of the three Books of the 
Relaciones, the pages duly cited of the text, and this 
table, it may be noted, gives more details than are 
to be found in the summaries prefixed to each of the 
chapters. The penultimate folio verso and the last 
folio of the book (reo and verso) contain a short voca- 
bulary of the Persian and Turkish words occurring 
in the Spanish text, and this shows the method, or lack 
of method, of transliteration by Don Juan under the 
guidance of the Licentiate Remon. 


29 








1 





4 
a 
‘ 
le 
\ 
o 
A 
: = 4 
a 
, 
i 
¿ 
+ 
a ) 
~ , 
} . 
» 
- % 





sts oe “a 


‘ fy sn hae 
, 7 flies ie, ff = = 
LA x Aig O NAS 
fi 0 DO bat AA pany wile } 
ie > A ee 
aor 
a, Sa Le 
see A E \ 
A bes 7 
> A 
¿e 
| 
‘ 






a 
ea 
í 


First Book of the Account of Don Juan 


to the Great Sophi of Persia are de- 
scribed, with the several peculiarities of 
these lands. Whereto also is added an 
account of the chronology of the Persian 
kings and rulers since the days of 
imrod. © | ] 


31 


of Persia, in which the Provinces subject _ 








CHAPTER I 


[The Author, having become a Christian, proceeds to write a summary 
account of the History of Persia, and, later, to narrate the events 
of his voyage into Spain.—Of the errors in the works of Giovanni 
Botero and Thomas Minadoi.—T he Author's travels may well rank 
with those of Marco Polo and Magellan.| 


ELL may I begin quoting what the Apostle 

W Paul sayth: Gratias ago Et, qui me confortavit 
in Christo ‘fesu Domino nostro, qui fidelem me 
extstimavit ponens in ministerio, qui prius blasphemus 
fui, et persecutor, et contumeliosus, sed misericordiam Dei 
consecutus sum, quia ignorans fect in incredulitate, et 
cetera. Blessed be the mercy of God, for that He can, 
from the by-ways, bring souls into His Church. And 
of a truth the Apostle also continues with these words 
following in the Epistle which he wrote to Timothy, 
saying: “ I give thanks to Him who hath strengthened 
me, even to Christ Jesus our Lord, for that He hath 
counted me faithful: and He hath brought me out of 
the darkness of the false sects of idolatry and Judaism, 
and taught me the true evangelical doctrine, arming 
me with the buckler of the faith, and giving me the 
inexpugnable fortress of the Catholic Doétrine.”—For 
this indeed is what is meant by the words of the 
Epistle: me confortavit in Christo. Fesu. “ For indeed 
aforetime I was a blasphemer and a persecutor of the 
Church, an evil-speaker, an unbeliever, and in fine an 
infidel. But God took me. Not because I was 
worthy, but because it so pleased Him, that in His 
most merciful intent, and by His divine providence, 
I might be accounted afterwards among the faithful, 
to make me a participator in the ineffable mystery of 
His most holy Passion. ‘Thus I am now become His 


33 a 


DON JUAN “OF” PERS 
faithful servant, for I hold that the Divine Majesty 


in so deigning to grant me this supreme mercy, saw and 
pitied the crass ignorance in the which I had been 
hitherto overwhelmed, being born one of a false and 
faithless creed. So was it done, for all was by His 
divine mercy.”* 

Thus far we have been following Saint Paul, though 
of a certainty these are words many of which 1 must not 
take to myself, being so great a sinner, though some 
indeed of them after a fashion may be applicable to 
the Divine mercy shown in my case, I too having been 
called. For my parents and fore-bears were all mis- 
believers, and 1 myself grew up in this same State of 
misbelief, being of the false set of Mahomed, and 
living in the country and under the rule of an infidel 
Prince, a country situate far distant, more than three 
thousand leagues from Spain, where 1 now write this 
Book in the city of Valladolid. But God indeed 
showed very singular mercy towards me, using me with 
all favour, in that I was chosen to be one of the Secre- 
taries of the Embassy sent by the King of Persia to 
this kingdom of Spain; thus to make manifest in me 
the truth of the Gospel, even as in Divine Wisdom 
it 1s said: Quasi myrrha dedi suavitatem odoris, vel odorem 
suavitatis : the which is a sweet savour to my soul. 

And this same allegorical interpretation we may 
apply in a practical sense, for verily this is indeed the 
understanding of things which experience gives to a 
prudent man, and forsooth it is the sign which David 
sayeth is Stamped upon all our foreheads. ‘Thus to me 
was granted this sweet savour of the mode of life of 
Christian folk: and the effulgence of the Gospel Doc- 
trine entering into me by this gate caused me, from the 
moment that I understood, to desire to strive faith- 
fully to believe those dogmas which, though yet they 
may not be fully understood by me, are indeed neces- 
sary to orthodox belief: namely, the Mysteries of the 


oe 


PIS CONVERSION 


Faith. So at last I came to desire, even as did Saint 
Peter, that 1 should be bathed in the water and dew of 
the Doétrine of Christ Jesus: non tantum manus et 
caput, but indeed my very soul in the waters of bap- 
tism. Of my conversion, however, and the manner 
thereof, I shall now not speak more fully, leaving this 
matter for later, where in its proper place I shall 
describe the same in detail. 

Now the voyage we took from Persia into Spain 
was of a very great length, and was through most 
remote lands and by diverse seas, and the same was by 
a very different route from that which the Portuguese 
now take when they go to India, or to Ormuz, which 
same is on the borders of the Persian kingdom; and we 
saw many strange matters during our long voyage. 
Further, it is borne in on me that I be not slow in 
manifesting gratitude to God for the merciful kindness 
which He vouchsafed to me and to my two com- 
panions—an incomparable grace, and, by human 
effort, one never to be repaid—in that He caused us 
to become Christians. ‘Thankfulness also is due for 
the great liberality shown to us at the august hands of 
his Most Catholic Majesty, who indeed has treated 
us, and daily does treat us, after a most noble and 
Christian fashion. 

Therefore now I, who have studied somewhat in 
the Arabic and Turkish tongues, learning the prin- 
ciples too of the Alcoran, shall proceed to give to the 
Kingdoms of the West a description of all that our 
eyes have seen on this same journey, in order that here 
in Spain the Faithful, seeing what diversity of pro- 
vinces and peoples the Demon still holds under his sway, 
in the first place may give due thanks to God for His 
singular and ever present mercy in having brought 
those of the Orthodox Faith, as we may say, into port, 
where they are subject to the law of His divine grace; 
and in the second place, that they may in their prayers 


aS 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


give due thanks, beseeching that it may please God to 
ordain the prompt conversion to Christianity of these 
infidel folk. 

Further, it will not be found contrary to the general 
desire of our readers that we here describe carefully 
all the many provinces and diverse races of men 
whom we visited, carefully noting their various rites 
and ceremonies. At the same time, I do protest, and 
call on God to witness—who, as I well know, shall 
never be invoked for any untrue statement, guia Deus 
in celo fidelis eS—that we only now describe what we 
have actually ourselves seen in the course of our travels, 
without adding thereto for the sake of pleasing, or 
diminishing therefrom for the sake of displeasing, 
wherefore we say, quod vidimus testamur. Further, to 
conform to the canon of good custom in our writings, 
we shall begin this Book by the description of the 
kingdom of Persia, where we were born and from 
whence we set forth, and we shall do this making no 
special reference to the cosmographies of ancient 
days, on which same already so many authors have 
written. We shall give a succinét but exact descrip- 
tion of our country as it is at the present time, setting 
down the native Persian names, which may thus be 
compared and adjusted to those given by ancient and 
modern authorities who have written or shall in the 
. future write from hearsay. For indeed in this 
matter I speak as an eye-witness, and therefore, if in 
the works of Thomas Minadoi or Giovanni Botero any 
diversity of names be found from what I shall here set 
down, the reader must know that mine are the real 
Persian names, as spoken in the native tongue of my 
country, while theirs are but mistaken versions, being, 
in fact, misunderstood or wrongly pronounced words. 

And to finish, I do not think there has been any 
voyage comparable to ours from Persia to Spain, since 


the travels published and described by Marco Polo 
36 





a or] an ship named Viloria ;* and so I trust that 
account which follows may be found acceptable. 


oie 


7 e NON pee: A Ad ie 
A ae erates ae 
is ae és ? Ls MS : 
Ae 
E LONG JOURNEY 
Pease 





CHAPTER II 
The description of Persia, and of the provinces subjed thereunto. 


ACCORDING to Strabo, Persia is the country lying south 
of Parthia and Carmania, between the provinces of 
Media on the west and Hircania on the east, having— 
if we are to believe Peter Apianus!—Arabia to the 
south of the same. But Giovanni Botero, in his book, 
justly remarks? that Ancient Persia is in fact solely 
the province which is now known as Fars, or Farsistan, 
whose frontiers lie at the rivers Sirto and lesdri, and 
the same extends from the borders of Carmania, now 
called Kirmán, to the borders of Media, now known 
as Hamadán,* these frontiers Standing at a distance of 
more than 400 leagues one from the other. 

The principal metropolitan city and the capital of 
Fars is Shiraz, which stands on the banks of the river 
Band-i-Amir.* This city was in ancient days called 
Persepolis, the same that was burnt down by Alexander 
the Great, and its population is to-day little less than it 
was then, seeing that within its present walls the 
inhabitants number 70,000 householders’ [31,500 
souls]. Now Josaphat Barbaro gives Shíráz a circuit 
of 20 miles; but 1, who frequently have walked about 
this city and so to speak measured it, am of opinion 
that in its extreme length and breadth—including the 
orchards and gardens, for there is no house here but 
has its own garden—the circumference of Shiraz may 
be set down at four Castilian leagues. The city has 
much commerce by reason that all the merchandise 
from Zagatay [or Tartary] to India has to pass through 
this town, it being the custom-house or land-port for 
those parts. To Fars or Fársistán also belong the 


38 





e kiteed a 


Ja 


ID NA 


Je)», sl daa 


pial 


. 
Ad: tee’ 


dg 








de 
F 
- 
e Vi ij a > wees *; 














Seay ”? ps 
. é read ad E Ay 
> wh a 
Sy os ' 
: ; 
EY i a 
# É 
y . 
4 
a . y Es 
fa 
i h . 4 
¡4 ER z s 
t a 
+ 
, . 
A ee sel 
E ‘ inde 
Sa . : 
y 1 cD, £ P » 
1 4 a 
ak 
1 e 
el 
es 
: A 
ls de ; 
4 ae "a 
' ES 3 
* 
y 2 
a ss , E 
; a . A po 
. po 
a e * 
; 
« LN q 
* 
Pia a a 
7 > a” ws 
¢ , 
A 13 4 
o ; 
Pics 
Es ; 
if e jones yo 
. y x i ee: 3 
rants tan ee ae Ed e 5 
= y ¡ 
y 
rn RES: : 
E . 
p ; 7 y 
A o o 
‘ 4 i. 4 4. wa 
, Ed * d 
e Y x = 
LW . 7 Y : ; 
J ae a mm o 
A A A yet vt ee er ec 
‘ ‘ y 
a +. } 2 be 
| 3 , a E + 
’ ; 
‘ A wes + a 4 Ka 
s aie 
rh) AN ón j y - nl 


















Constantinople +) 















Angora 
Am h 
| O ur asiya 
sangOles 
Kutahivah Na 
OQoniah 

















Map of LET SSG 
in the year S000. 






















Astorabad 







MAZANDARAN — Meshe 


4 Qo 
oO O. 
Qazvin Sabzivar 


GAN Oo voh Shea ERA 


H oQum 
O amadans Kashan Turshiz 


PERSIAN 
IRAQ, Ardistan 


ramabad Isfahan 


4 oYezd 
LURISTAN 
OShustar FARS 


O Persepolis 


Shiraz EP K | RMAN 


O 














© 
{ 
1.3 





PON TIERS OP: PERSIA 
districts of Lur [otherwise Luristán]; and included in 


Lur is the province of Susiana, whose chief town is 
Shustar, lying on the river Saymarah; and the climate 
here is so hot that the people, in the height of the dog- 
days, put themselves in water up to their necks, in 
order the more comfortably to pass the heat of the day. 

To the north of the province of Fars, as already 
said, lies Parthia, which at the present time is the 
province of Persian ‘Iraq, the capital of which is the 
city of Isfahan, where the kings of Persia now hold 
their court, and from the which city we set forth on 
our journey to Spain. Isfahan is at present so popu- 
lous that they call it the city of Nisf-1-Fahán, which 
in the Persian tongue signifies Half-the-World; but 
reduced to actual count its population may number 
80,000 householders [or 360,000 souls], more rather 
than less. The concourse of men here is notable, and 
may be realized by the number of hostels that stand 
at the entrance gates of the city, upwards of 600 in 
number, and called here caravanserais. There are 
also 300 bath-houses which they call Hammáms. 
The country round and about Isfahan lies low, being 
somewhat swampy, and from the exceeding dampness 
not very healthy. The city lies on the banks of a river, 
which is known as the Zandarud. Within its walls 
10,000 shops of merchants are to be found, shops both 
of clothes-stuffs and of supplies for victuals, these shops 
being called the Bazaar. And from its very origin its 
Star had made Isfahan to be the King’s Court, for, 
as we learn from Strabo, this is the ancient Hecatompy- 
los—which means the City of a Hundred Gates. At 
the present day Isfahan still counts a hundred very 
notable buildings, namely, at least that number of 
towers rising up above the private houses of the city. 
These are watch-towers, and they are so lofty that, 
besides beautifying the appearance of the town by their 
Structure, you may overlook the country round from 


39 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


their windows to a distance of more than six leagues. 
The greatest of all these towers is the one that Stands 
in the Royal Stables; and its summit is built up of an 
extraordinary material, for it is formed of 30,000 skulls 
of deer and harts which were all killed in the battue of 
a day’s sport by King Tahmasp,° when, it is related, 
that of the retinue he took with him, the beaters alone 
numbered over 20,000 men. In the distriét round 
Isfahan silk-worms are reared, and many silk-stuffs 
are very skilfully woven here, as likewise elsewhere 
in the outlying districts of the towns of Ardistan, 
Kashan, and Yezd, Qum and Sávah. 

Towards the Caspian Sea lies the province of 
Qazvin, and Qazvin city is where, until very lately, the 
kings of Persia have been wont to hold their court, this 
having been subsequent to the time of the ruin of the 
famous city of ‘Tabriz, which was formerly the capital. 
The city of Qazvin lies to the north-west of Fars; the 
country round 1s most fertile: it has great orchards and 
extensive gardens. Its population numbers above 
100,000 householders [or 450,000 souls], and, that one 
may know its greatness, I have, for curiosity, counted 
many times over its mosques, and of these there are 
more than 500. ‘The royal quarter and the palace 
both are most sumptuous, and so extensive that 
you may go in a Straight line through the purlieus 
for over a quarter of a league. In the province of 
Oazvin there are 20 walled towns, and 1,000 open 
villages. Between Qazvin and Kurdistán lies the 
province of Hamadan, which may measure s0 leagues 
across in extent. ‘There are here 15 cities, and all its 
people are merchants. Lying nearer to the Caspian 
Sea comes the province of Gilán, the chief town of which 
is the city of Lahijan,’ holding a population of 70,000 
householders [or 31,500 souls]. The land is mountain- 
ous and rugged, also very unhealthy by reason of its 
great heat and dampness, which two principles, 


40 


PROVINCES OF PERSIA 


wheresoever they predominate, do breed corruption. 
The women of this province are very fat, and the 
men very feeble. ‘There are some 30 townships, but 
none populous. The houses are built of wood, but 
from their situation on the mountain slopes may be 
well defended. Further north and lying along the 
western coast of the Caspian towards Baku is the 
province of Eriván [or Shirvan],° which extends for a 
distance of 100 Spanish leagues, and its people occupy 
15 towns. The city of Eriván is its capital, holding a 
population of 50,000 householders [225,000 souls]. 
The country is very healthy, having a fine climate. 
Much silk is produced, and there is abundance of game, 
more especially deer, in its woods. 

With the Caspian Sea lying on its northern and 
western quarters, and with Grand Tartary to the east- 
ward, comes the province of AStarábád, which adjoins 
the province of Khurásán. ‘The Astarábád province 
measures a bare 60 leagues in extent, and contains 
only 12 towns. The city of Astarábád has a popula- 
tion of more than 50,000 householders [or 225,000 
souls], and boats come up to it from the Caspian Sea 
through a river estuary. Adjoining AStarábád comes 
the province of Mazandaran, which extends in length 
for ¿o leagues, and has 25 towns. Its capital is 
Mázandarán,” with a population of 50,000 householders 
[or 225,000 souls]. ‘The country is cold and very 
mountainous, so that no fruit here ripens. The 
province of Khurásán?” is the largest of those which are 
subject to the king of Persia, for it extends in breadth 
for above 200 leagues. It includes more than 35 
towns, each of great populousness, and its capital is 
the city of Herat, the population of which is so great 
that it exceeds 100,000 householders [ 4, 500,000 souls]. 
With its gardens and pleasure-houses which lie adjacent 
beyond the city walls Herát measures a circuit of 
more than six leagues. ‘The country round is a great 


41 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


plain, and is well populated. The townsmen are 
merchants who trade with India, Muscovy and the 
two dominions of Tartary. To the eastward again 
lies the province called Qandahár, and its people are 
vassals of Prester John. This country is very rich, 
and extends for some 60 leagues across. ‘The chief 
city, which gives its name to the province, is Qandahar, 
with 70,000 householders [or 315,000 souls]. It is 
a hot country and the people here are merchants. On 
the south of Qandahár and somewhat to the eastward 
lies the province called Sistán, which measures 50 
leagues across, and its chief city and capital is, like 
the province, called Sistan. It possesses 15 towns, and 
the population of its capital city numbers 50,000 house- 
holders [225,000 souls]. The country round is very 
damp and unhealthy, though mountainous, and the 
people are very warlike. 

[In the north-west of Persia and] some distance to 
the south [of the Shirván province] lies the city of 
Ganjah, the chief town of the distriét bearing the same 
name." ‘This district in extent is barely 40 leagues 
across, it comprises seven or eight towns, and as regards 
Ganjah city the number of its householders may be 
some 50,000 [or 225,000 souls]; the town stands in a 
cold country, and the people are very warlike. Ganjah 

ossesses a notable building, which I may here mention. 

his is a tower built up, from foundation to summit, 
with the skulls of Turks, and the number must exceed 
50,000 heads. These are set in mortar among the 
stones of the tower, a monstrous sight. It was ereéted 
here by a certain Persian general named Khán Sayyid 
Oghlu” after he had conquered the Turks in a pitched 
battle at this place. 

On the western border of Persia lies the province 
of Azerbayján, whose chief town is the famous city 
of Tabriz. This province and its capital are still in the 
power of the House of Ottoman, for the Turks here 


42 


AZERBAYJÁN 


have succeeded in getting the better of the Safavi 
monarchs of Persia. ‘The province contains more than 
30 cities, the largest being Tabriz, which, before the 
Turks had conquered and devastated it—as will be 
narrated fully later on—contained a population of over 
80,000 householders [or 360,000 souls]. It is a 
pleasant land, with abundance of fruits, and with 
flocks of sheep like those seen in Spain, though here the 
beasts run to greater bulk: for the Persian sheep are 
as big as the calves with us in Spain, being a full quarter 
heavier in weight. The people of Azerbayján are 
very warlike and ever given to fighting, the nobles more 
especially. ‘The province has an extent of 150 leagues 
across. 

Further to the south-westward come the three pro- 
vinces of Kurdistan, lying in the direction of Arabian 
‘Iraq or Babylonia. ‘The nearer of the three provinces 
of Kurdistan, the one of which we now speak, marches 
with the province of Azerbayján, and its capital towns 
are the cities of Khoy and Salmás, whose combined 
population may amount to 30,000 householders [or 
135,000 souls]. In the outlying parts of this province 
there are 15 other towns. The people here are not 
very civilized, and being warlike are given to constant 
fighting. ‘They live half the year in their tents camped 
in the open country, after the fashion of the Moors 
[of Morocco], though otherwise they are quite unlike 
these latter folk. Further to the south-west lies the 
district of Malaga or Marághah, which is the second 
portion of the three Kurdistan provinces, and its chief 
town is Marághah. And again, this province marches 
with another which is likewise called Kurdistan, and of 
which the chief town is Khurramábád, but this town 
is more generally considered as of Luristán. The 
province of Babylonia or Arabian ‘Iraq, known from its 
capital as the Baghdad province, lies westward beyond 
this again. ‘The three provinces aforesaid of the 


43 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Kurdistáns measure some 300 leagues across at their 
extreme width; they are all very populous and their 
people are warlike, for never do they lack occasion for 
fighting against the Turks, their neighbours in Arabian 
‘Iraq. And from this point going south the Persian 
Gulf is the boundary of the province of Luristán, 
dividing it from the province of Ormuz. 

Thus we have now brought to an end our description 
of the districts and lordships subject to the king of 
Persia. His state is confined on the northern side by 
the Caspian, on the south side by the Persian Gulf. 
In its greatest breadth the kingdom of Persia has 
for its western frontier Chaldea, Syria and Upper 
Mesopotamia—now known as Diyár-Bakr, and lying 
between the upper reaches of the Euphrates and the 
Tigris. From here the frontier goes north up to the 
limits of Gurjistán or Lesser Georgia, with Northern 
Tartary and that part of Muscovy which borders on 
the river Eder, more commonly known as the Volga. 
To the south of Persia extend the two countries called 
Desert Arabia and Happy Arabia. Wherefore if we 
should trace an imaginary frontier circle beginning from 
the Caspian Sea and going westward, this would pass 
down by the Lake of Gokchah* and thence along the 
Tigris bank to the Persian Gulf. From the eastern 
end of that gulf we shall pass up on the eastern quarter 
of Persia, northwards by the kingdom of Cambaya, 
which is near Makrán, and so meet the northern 
frontier which marches along the river Oxus, otherwise 
called Abiano.'* Then we have made a complete 
circuit, including all the provinces subject at the 
present time to the crown of Persia, and this circuit 
would include a space so great as to measure more 
than 21 degrees of longitude from east to west, and 
more than 18 of latitude from north to south. 


44 


CHAPTER «lI! 


The way of government in Persia. 


THE method of government of the Persian kings being 
peculiar, we shall treat of the affairs of this kingdom 
in some detail in order to make the matter perfectly 
clear. “The king of Persia for his support and guidance 
always has recourse to his nobles, this both for the 
service of his person, and for the government of the 
state in all affairs, both those pertaining to the admin- 
istration of justice and to the conduct of war, and these 
two are the matters which in Persia take precedence 
over all others. 

Now there are with us thirty-two clans or noble 
families recognized as having in Persia pre-eminence 
and the first place in the country. ‘Their names are 
as follows: and the termination /#, which it will be noted 
concludes many of their names, shows that the clan in 
question is of, or belonging to, a chief of that name. 
To begin with, the Ustajlu are the clan in chief, and of 
them for the most part are the favourite servants of 
the king, and they always hold the great and honourable 
posts about his person. ‘The Shámlú are as the grand 
chamberlains in Spain, and men of this family with us 
Persians always hold that office. Next come the 
Afshar: those of this name are mostly the presidents 
and ministers of justice. Next Turkomans: from 
these come the commanders, princes and generals, for 
they are great soldiers, and the kings of Persia have 
ever sought alliance in marriage with their families. 
Thus Shah “Tahmásp married a Turkoman princess. 
The family of Bayát: a most noble house and lineage, 
and all are, as we might say in Spain, dukes; so also are 


45 


DON JUAN: OF "DERIO 
the family known as the Takkeh-lu clan. The Har- 


mandalú are, as we might say, marquesses. The Dhul- 
Oadarlú are as dukes, being a clan of warlike virtue 
and all very valiant men. The families of Qájar* 
and Qarámánlú are as dukes, and as counts those of 
Bayburtlú, Ispihrlú and Oriath. ‘The Cháushlú are as 
dukes, the Assayshlú as counts, and likewise as counts 
are the following, namely, the Chamish-Qazaqlú, the 
Sarozolachlú, the Qárábachiqlú, the Barachlú, the 
Cuiniorilú, the Griclú, the Boschalú, the Háji-Fagihlú, 
the Hamzah-lú, the Solachlú, the Mahmúdlú, the 
Oárá-Chumaqlú and the Qárá Quyunlú.? As dukes 
are the Cossi-Boyezlú, the Peyclú, the Inazlú, and 
lastly the Kuh-Giluyahlú. 

The government, as we have said, as a general 
rule is given into the hands of men of these families, 
and every governor appointed to any of the various 
cities, who is known with us in the Persian tongue 
as its Hakim, is invariably a nobleman, and is chosen 
from among the men of these clans. ‘The Darogahs, 
or mayors of the towns, are of the same class, but 
these the king, when dissatisfied or angry with them, 
will change at pleasure. Criminals are judged and 
punished by being brought before the Grand Vazir, 
who is, as we should say in Spain, the Secretary 
of State, being of the Council; he gives injunétion to 
his Deputy or Vaki/, who is, as we say here, the Presi- 
dent, and, after the Grand Vizier, the chief minister. 
The matter is then brought before the king, but the 
king has deputed all minor details of justice to the 
governors and mayors of the various cities. In matters 
of policy and in affairs of State, and in all that pertains 
to war, the nobles and viceroys of provinces have 
jurisdiction, and they are called Kháns. The Kháns, 
though their offices are considered hereditary, for they 
hold them as though of their own property, are liable 
to be dismissed by the king at his pleasure, should 


46 


GOVERNMENT OF PERSIA 


they anywise be found in fault, for they are but his 
servants; and indeed all the Kháns and governors who 
serve the state holding positions of importance are 
liable to be arbitrarily dismissed at any moment. The 
Grand Chamberlain is known as the /shik-agási-báshi, 
and those next below him, his deputies, are known as 
the Ishik-agási, for the word Bashi means “ chief,” 
and these last mentioned deputies are like the four 
Chamberlains in Ordinary to the king of Spain. 
The office of the Chief Porter is known as that of the 
Odpicht-bashi ; and between these officials that we have 
mentioned matters of criminal justice are judged, 
cases as they occur ae summarily despatched. 

As to how the king of Persia is attended, this is always 
on a scale of pomp and majesty, especially when the 
Court is in residence in the capital. For the most 
part, when the king goes out it is riding on horseback, 
and he will set forth to play the sport of tilting with 
the reed-spear, or to shoot with the bow at game. It 
is his wont to do this frequently, and at that time will 
have speech freely with the poorest of his subjects, 
and listen to any who may have need of him. But on 
no occasion does he ever go forth for sport or hunting 
accompanied by less than 12,000 mounted men, and 
of foot-soldiers he will always have about him more 
than 4,000 who are arquebusiers. At the king’s 
table all the chief nobles who happen to be present, 
or are in attendance, take their meal with him. 

The king’s palace is known as the Dawlat Khanah or 
Government House, and the queen’s palace is called 
the Harám; or rather we should have said the palace 
of the Queens is so called, for in the Haram there are 
more than four hundred ladies, which same 1s like the 
establishment known in Turkey as the Saray, and which 
we in Spain speak of as the Ceralle. ‘This palace is 
guarded and served by above one hundred eunuchs, 
with two hundred squires, who are all old men of 


47 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


seventy years and upwards. The eunuchs they call 
in Turkish Akhtah, and the squires Hardm-Ishik-aq asi, 
or Masters of the Haram Threshold. If any other 
man besides these just mentioned should dare enter 
the palace of the Haram, he would be cut down, killed - 

and cast forth to be burnt. The inner walls of the 
rooms of the palaces are adorned with paintings, and 
the like is found in the houses of the nobles. ‘There 
is no tapestry on these walls, but there are very costly 
carpets on the floors, and such are known in Persian 
as Qdli. ‘The dishes at meal-times are lain not on 
tables but on the floor, as notably it is the custom with 
all the nations of the Moors; and it is for this reason 
of the floor being so used, rather than as a custom 
of respe¢t—and all must do so within the palace pre- 
cinéts—that on entering a room the shoes are always 
taken off. 


48 


CHAPTER IV 
Of manners and customs peculiar to the kingdom of Persia, 


ThE way of life of the common folk in Persia is much 
the same as that which obtains among other Maho- 
medan and Arabian nations, more particularly as to 
domestic rites and ceremonies, though in matters of 
religion—as we shall see later—the Persians hold 
peculiar views, for they opine that they alone are ortho- 
dox disciples of the Prophet Mahomed. The Persians 
among the nobility enjoy a plurality of wives, in faét 
these take as many wives as they please, but among the 
- common people only seven are proper and allowed; 
divorce, on the other hand, is the everyday custom. 
The difference in dress which distinguishes the nobles 
from the common folk, is that the nobles alone are 
allowed to wear as their headgear the Turban orna- 
mented with “Twelve Points, which the first Sophi 
king Isma‘il inStituted—as will more particularly be 
described later—and which in Persian is known as 
the Taj or “‘ Crown.” In Persia the clothes of all folk, 
to speak generally, are made of coloured stuffs, and 
there are few who do not wear silk, for this 1s quite 
cheap. Thus velvet of double and a half pile will 
hardly cost ten reals [less than six shillings] the yard, 
and eight yards of coloured taffeta, which may be of 
pearl-colour, can be had for five rea/s, or a pesa [namely, 
three shillings]. The price of muslin and linen goods, 
which same are imported in great abundance from 
India, is so moderate that 20 yards of either may be 
bought for a sum not exceeding four reals [half a 
crown], and this though the material be as fine as our 


holland of Cambray. | 
49 E 


DON JUAN OF PERS Ea 


The crops grown on most of the cultivated lands in 
the provinces of Persia are so abundant, namely and in 
particular wheat, barley and rice, that 100 pecks’ of 
wheat may be bought for twelve reals [seven shillings], 
and the same quantity of barley for half a ducat [three 
and sixpence]. There are great numbers of water- 
mills all along the banks of the rivers and lagoons, 
these being made after the fashion of the water-wheels 
and mills that we see on the Tagus. Butcher’s meat is 
mostly veal and mutton, the latter from the great sheep 
which, as already described, are a quarter heavier in 
weight than the Spanish sheep. We have in Persia 
rabbits,” partridges and other wild fowl in infinite 
quantity, but they do not eat the rabbit; there are also 
found deer in abundance, whose flesh is much esteemed. 
The wild beasts of the forest are seen in great numbers, 
and besides those met with in the hill country, may be 
come upon in the plains and sandy deserts, where 
many districts in the past have become depopulated. 
Such here are lions, tigers and bears, and in those 
parts none can journey but in company many together 
and riding on their camels, which are in Persia the 
usual beasts of burden. 

The Persians make use of no waggons, coaches nor 
litters of any kind or sort; nor indeed are there any 
ships, or galleys for the more special purposes of 
navigation, and only a kind of light boat is in common 
use. Horses there are in abundance, and their coats 
are very fine, and indeed they resemble most the 
Andulacian horses of Spain. In staying powers they 
can go thirty hours without a feed of corn, and in 
skirmishing raids they will travel for a whole day and 
a night. The army for the greater part consists in 
cavalry, and they ride with the short Stirrup,? but yet 
not so short as they are wont to use now in Spain. 
Their arms are lance and buckler, and they wear coats 
of mail and light breastplates with helmets* of thin 


50 


- 


Pa ARMYCTN “WAR 


steel plate, cunningly forged, and this armour is now 
produced throughout Persia in such quantity that much 
of it is exported into Muscovy, just as in Spain we 
import the like from the Milanese. ‘The manner of 
mustering troops for war is for the chief of each of the 
noble families [whose names have been given on a 
former page] to call out eight, ten or twelve thousand 
horsemen of his clan and a like number of foot-soldiers 
armed with their arquebuses. Our wars are generally 
waged either against the Tartars or against the Turks, 
and sometimes against the two kings of the Georgians 
who are neighbours of Persia, though these last, for 
the most part, remain the humble vassals of the Persian 
king. They are indeed Christians of the Greek 
Church, but they hold to standing in friendship with 
the Persians, who show them tolerance in the matter 
of their Christian religion, for the king of Persia does 
not ever molest them in this respect, though the Turkish 
Sultan will continually be pressing them to become 
renegades. When the king of Persia personally goes 
out on campaign, the fact is advertised to all by his 
Standard, which is then carried before him. Further, 
the umbrella of State is seen held over the king and his 
horse as he rides, and the same umbrella is adorned with 
precious stones, so that it glitters in splendour like the 
very sun. The number of troops present in the army 
is exactly known by the number of standards that are 
seen, for with every thousand men present a separate 
standard is unfurled, this being after the manner of the 
Roman Centuries, and thus there are as many thousand 
men present as there are standards to be seen. And 
such is the power of the king of Persia, as proved by 
what I myself have witnessed, that very easily he can 
call out 200,000 cavalry. On many of the campaigns, 
in the past that I have taken part in, I have counted 
two hundred standards displayed, and though the 
same number of flags may often be counted in any poor 


SI 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


regiment of Spanish infantry, the fact with us here is 
of different import, for in Persia, unless there be one 
thousand horse or one thousand foot-soldiers present 
under arms, no standard is shown. 

The Persian method of fighting is by challenging 
to single combat, with a trumpet sounded or a king- 
at-arms sent forward, and no ambush is allowed— 
though indeed, as to this matter, such is human guile, 
that in times past, but in remote and unknown or 
barbarous lands, much treachery of this sort, so contrary 
to all good custom, has not been unknown. Yet it 
may be affirmed in clear terms that the Persian way of 
fighting is now in open combat, in hand-to-hand battle; 
and as to their artillery, they mask it or hold it in 
reserve—as we shall see later when speaking of the 
wars between the Persians and the Ottoman Turks. 
The royal bodyguard is of infantry, and for the most 
part the men are Georgian renegades who are known 
as the Tufangchts or match-lock men, and these are like 
the Janissaries of the Turkish Sultan. The nobles are 
much addiéted to the Study of magic, and to what they 
call the Sacred Science, which is the Alcoran, in the 
Arabic language, and there are the Alfaquis [priests] 
and professors in most of the cities to instruct publicly 
in the same, who receive a suitable stipend. The houses 
throughout Persia are for the most part built of stone, 
though there are many that are built of wood, but all 
have terraced roofs and most have gardens after the 
fashion of Italy and Flanders. In the matter of curing 
disease they do as with other nations of the barbarians, 
using herbs and ordering a Striét diet. In acute ill- 
nesses, such as in cases of quinsy, pleurisy and the like, 
they bleed. The people are very superstitious, being 
given to regarding auguries, and imagine that by pray- 
ing in the mosque they can favourably affect, or at 
least prognosticate, the issue of all their maladies. 
Prayers more especially should be offered up in those 


52 


FUNERAL CUSTOMS 


mosques where the kings, the Grand Sophis are all 
buried, or some one of the great Kháns, or other person 
who in life was held to have been a saint; and so more 
particularly in the mausoleum of him whom they regard 
with much veneration, and whom they call Shaykh Sophi.? 

The customs at funerals are very extraordinary, and 
they differ in many particulars from those of all other 
Mahomedan nations. If it be a person of some 
position who is dead, all his servants will march, naked 
to the waist, preceding the bier, each having made 
wounds in his right arm by scarifying the flesh all 
down the side; and the sons of the dead man have to 
do the same. Some two hundred men are harnessed 
by ropes that pull the bier; and thus they transport 
the body, and all these go reciting in a loud voice 
prayers and versicles and petitions that are addressed 
tothe Prophet Mahomed. In front of these men march 
twenty boys, who, two by two, in turn bear on their 
shoulders a chair richly adorned, and as they go they 
recite the Alcoran of Mahomed. In front of these 
again march a number of men carrying small trees and 
green boughs from which hang down painted papers® 
and coloured ribbons, and such fruits as are 1n season. 
Coming after the procession follow the horses, all 
that the dead man possessed, each one led by the bridle 
in the hand of a groom, and these horses are fully 
caparisoned, and they carry the arms that the dead 
man used in war, and the trophies which he won in 
battle; and their grooms go naked to the waist and self- 
wounded with the blood streaming down from their 
shoulders. With all this company in attendance the 
procession marches on till they come to one of those 
Stone troughs, which are in Persia like those we have in 
Spain for watering beasts. ‘Then in such a trough they 
proceed to wash the corpse publicly, and next to wrap 
it in a piece of fine holland cloth. Afterwards the 
procession moves on as before, and to all the poor they 


wo 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


may meet they distribute food, which same has been 
brought for this purpose laden on five or six camels. 
All this time with kettle-drums and trumpets they are 
making doleful music, the instruments being played 
held low and reversed. In this fashion they come 
finally to the graveyard out in the countryside, where 
the tombs are, in one of which they now proceed to 
lay the body, and next the procession returns to the 
city in the same order as the mourners set forth. For 
a whole year after his death the relations of the dead 
man are bound daily to go out to the grave and recite 
the Alcoran there and say many prayers. 

The Persians pride themselves much on their poets, 
and these, though without art, compose an infinity 
of verses. They also have many books written in the 
Arabic language full of poesy and choice prose. All 
such verse-making, as is well known, and contrariwise, 
in the government of the Ottoman Sultan, is a strictly 
forbidden pastime, and is one universally contemned.’ 
In Persia, however, as we have said, all write verses 
and illuminate them, and these the young men send to 
ladies with whom they are in love and are proposing 
to marry. Further, a Persian youth who wishes to 
pose as a faithful lover must behave in a very extra- 
ordinary way; indeed, so strangely that it were impos- 
sible for its very extravagance to pass the matter over 
In silence. The lover who would prove that his love 
is sincere must painfully burn himself in various parts 
of his person with a slow match made of linen stuff, 
that in effect acts exactly like the caustic which, with us 
in Spain, the surgeons apply for opening issues such 
as may be needful in the legs and arms. Then the 
lover displays himself in the sight of his lady, he being 
a very Lazarus for the number of his sores: whereupon 
she will send him cloths, napkins and bandages of silk 
or holland, with which to bind his wounds, and these 
he wears until they are cured. Later, he who can show 


54 


MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 

most signs of these cauteries is the one most beloved 
of the fair dames, and he most promptly will come to 
matrimony. Marriage and burial being two very 
notable incidents in every man’s life, it seemed impor- 
tant not to pass over either in silence, but to note what 
in each case may be peculiar to the manners and 
customs of the Persians. In truth, both are events 
which in all countries, whether civilized or barbarous, 
characterize and pertain to the propagation and con- 
clusion of existence. For are not these, as we might 
say, the one the prelude and means for bringing about 
the continuance of our race; while the other is as a fee 
and tribute that all must pay at the end, being a charge 
incumbent on whomsoever he be, who shall have lived 
through this mortal life? Further, as to customs of 
both events, the manner in Persia is indeed most 
Strange, they differing from those in use among all 
other peoples, whether of civilized states or of barbaric 
nations. 

Now as regards marriage, when a Persian of good 
position in the state 1s about to wed, the day being fixed, 
all his relations and friends assemble at the house 
of the bridegroom. Nearly all are on this occasion 
dressed in clothes that seem to match in livery those of 
the bridegroom, but more particularly his groomsmen; 
the other guests likewise, if they can afford it, but 
otherwise any may appear in what is their common 
dress. The bride at the proper time comes forth 
from her home riding a horse after the Persian fashion, 
and her attendants, if they can compass it, are apparelled 
in clothes to match her livery; and the bride wears over 
her face a piece of taffeta on which is painted in gold 
the semblance of the sun or the moon. In front of her 
march many musicians playing on various kinds of 
instruments. ‘The two processions now join company, 
and the bridegroom attending the bride, the whole 
concourse turns about and re-enters the bride’s house. 


ae 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Here there is a chamber set apart for the menfolk, 
and richly adorned, in which they begin a ball, some- 
what after the fashion of the Italians or the French. 
The mode of the festival is that of different dances; 
and over the heads of each of the young men who may 
Step forth to dance their friends throw in handfuls 
many small coins, which same none but the musicians 
who are playing may pick up. Thus, therefore, the 
musicians, as the young men step forth and dance, 
gather for themselves a rich harvest. The ladies dance 
in a separate room, and they are wont to have coins 
which are crown pieces stuck upon their foreheads— 
with a certain mucilage like the paste which we in 
Spain make of elm and almond gum—and these coins 
as the ladies move in dancing fall off, whereby this 
money too stands to the benefit of the musicians. 
On this account in Persia the musicians all become 
very rich by attendance at such balls and festivities. 
When the dancing is done for the day, they all sit 
down to supper in the house of the bride; while on the 
following day they dine in the bridegroom’s house, 
and on each occasion a very splendid assembly of 
guests is invited. On the first night, that of the supper, 
when the hour for retiring has come, two old women 
appear and with a show of violence catch hold of the 
bridegroom and bring him into the chamber of the 
bride. The bride then comes in by another door; 
and meanwhile the dancing of both the male and the 
female relatives at the ball continues till it is midnight. 
Then the two old women reappear, bringing with them 
a cloth stained with blood and show this to the relations 
of the bridegroom; and upon this all take their leave 
very contentedly. If, however, as to this cloth the 
contrary be the case, and no mark of blood can be 
shown, the two old women bring out the bride, and the 
bridegroom coming forth, scornfully and publicly re- 
pudiates her. But he then pays her a certain sum of 


56 


MAGA Lu DES 


money, which for being buta trifle need not be specified, 
and they send her back to her parents, while the bride- 
groom marches home again with his friends and relations. 
In Persia, unlike other countries among the Mahomedan 
nations, there is never seen any great number of public 
women. The gypsies, or Egyptians, however, who live 
in the provinces of the frontier that neighbours Persia, 
enter our country in bands and troops—as did the 
Arabs into Spain aforetime—and they bring in their 
families with them; and among these their women make 
a livelihood by prostitution. It is the custom on these 
occasions for their husbands to take them to the house 
of any Persian with whom the woman has engaged to 
pass the night; and on the morrow the husband will 
duly appear to carry away his wife, with her looking- 
glass and paints and headgear and pins and belts, and 
he then recetves the price stipulated for. But indeed 
this is a hideous and bestial custom to be thus tolerated 
among men who must be held to be beings possessed 
of a conscience. I myself at one time took occasion 
to enquire of the Egyptian folk who inhabit the country 
where these public women come from, and they told 
me that no man there would marry a girl unless she 
would promise and undertake to feed and clothe her 
future husband with gains made in this abominable 
commerce. But now this is enough, forsooth, of the 
manners and customs of the kingdom of Persia. 


oY 


CHAPTER V 


As to the antiquity of the Persian kingdom and the origin of the 
Monarchy. 


One of the regions of the world which, after the Uni- 
versal Deluge, was first to receive its population, was 
the territory which now the Turks call Baghdad, which 
same is Babylonia. As some authorities would have 
it, this land owed its settlement to Nimrod, son of Cush 
and grandson of Ham, in the year 150 after the Flood; 
which, however, is not an account that seems credible. 
We therefore, to avoid an erroneous conclusion, should 
prefer for our information to rely on the excellent 
authority of the Susianian Library, further on the 
Oriental Annals of Belochus,* and other such eminent 
ancient authorities. Therefore we now say that 
Babylon being founded in the year 1700 of the Creation, 
Belus, son of Nimrod, was the first king of Babylonia; 
and coming to the Plains of Shinar, he peopled the 
country there about, together with that country which 
lies more to the eastward. Procopius, however, states 
.—though the matter appears to rest on no reliable 
foundation—that the father of Belus was Saturn, and 
that Saturn is identical with Noah. In the eighth 
year of the reign of Nimrod, his brother Sheba, the son 
of Cush and grandson of Ham, was sent by Noah (his 
great-grandfather) to people Arabia—and with him 
went Gag with his sons Ganges and Indus, who sub- 
sequently gave their names to those two famous rivers 
of India; and Sheba named those same provinces of 
Arabia after himself, Sabea. 

In the Babylonian monarchy Belus was succeeded 
by Balzus,” or Beleus the Less, in the year 1753 after 
the creation of the world: according to the historian 


58 


BOB YT LONTA 


Megasthenes. He conquered all the Eastern Indies, 
and most of the nations that had settled in the south 
and in the two Arabias: whereby, from this time 
onwards, the nations that had there grouped themselves 
together are styled monarchies by those authors who 
treat of their affairs. Thus the years went on, but 
much is related in the histories that is not here to our 
purpose, till it came to the year 2000 after the Creation, 
when the Babylonian monarchy was ruled by Ascatades, 
and next Mamuthos, whom we may count as the 
13th king of Babylonia according to the reckoning 
of Berosus. From this point onwards we get more 
light as to the succession of these princes, for matters 
come clearer and there are more authorities to consult, 
and so we reach the year 2325 after the creation of the 
world with Machchalatheus, who was king, occupying 
the throne of Assyria during a reign of thirty years. 
To him succeeded Spherus, 15th king of Babylonia, 
in the year 2350 after the Creation, and at this time, 
according to the authority of the Susianian Library, 
they began to give the name of Assyria or Syria to this 
upper region and monarchy, the name coming from 
Syris, the son of Abraham.” In the foregoing account 
we have followed the authors above mentioned, on 
whom we mostly rely for our information, but if we 
are to give credit to the historian Belochus, Syria, until 
the time when Cyrus established the seat of his govern- 
ment in Persia, was the name given to all the region 
of the south that was subject to Babylonia. Next, 
according to Lucian of Samosata, it was in the third 
year after the birth of Moses, corresponding with the 
year 2375 after the Creation, that Mamuthos became 
monarch of Babylonia, reigning for thirty years, and 
to him succeeded Aschalius, who was the 18th king of 
Babylon; and it was, they say, in the tenth year of his 
reign that Moses brought forth the Hebrew people 
out of their captivity. Lucian of Samosata continues 


59 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the history of these kings with the name of Belochus 
the Second, in the year 2530 after the Creation, who, 
he says, reigned for twenty-five years, making Sosares 
his contemporary, though other authorities state that 
he succeeded Belochus. In the seventh year of the 
period, when Deborah judged Israel, Lampraes began 
to reign in Babylon and governed, they say, for thirty 
years. "Po him followed Pannas in the year 2677 after 
the Creation, who occupied the throne during forty- 
five years. ‘Then came Sosarmus, who was succeeded 
by Teutamus, otherwise Tautanes, who was contem- 
porary with Jephtha of Holy Writ, celebrated as the 
Captain of the Hebrew People. ‘To Teutamus fol- 
lowed Teutaus, but his reign was in truth shorter 
than some authorities have stated. Next was Timeus, 
who reigned for thirty years, and he was succeeded 
by Dercylus, who was the 31st king of Babylon, and 
approximately a contemporary of King David; to him 
following Eupacmes, shortly after the time when 
Solomon had begun to build the Temple. Then came 
Laosthenes, then Pertiades, next Ophrateeus, and then 
Acraganes, whose reign lasted forty-two years. 

The Persian historian Megasthenes—and it is he 
whom we have chiefly followed in the above list of 
- kings—closes his chronological survey with King 
Sardanapalus, to whom he assigns a reign of fifteen years 
and calls him by the name of Thonus-Concolerus. Now 
the Greek historians state that he was the son of Anacyn- 
daraxis, and according to Suidas he was the direct 
descendant of Ninus and Semiramis. If, however, we 
follow the account given by Suidas there had been 
38 kings between Nimrod and Sardanapalus, and their 
names are to be found in the writings of Ctesias, an 
author on whom we may confidently rely. “The end 
and ruin of Sardanapalus we shall describe presently, 
but first we would explain why this ancient history 
of the Babylonian kings has been here given by us in 

60 


PERSIAN MONARCHY 


such detail. ‘This was in order that the antiquity of 
the Persian monarchy might be clearly established, 
as also the ancient status of its people. For we find 
that when King Teuthanes arrived with aid for King 
Priam of Troy, being in fact his vassal, coming at the 
head of an army of 10,000 Ethiopians from Arabia, he 
brought with him also a like number of men from 
Susiana with 200 war chariots, and these all came 
under the command of Menon, son of Titon their 
captain, who was governor of Persia.* Then again 
in the year 2690 after the Creation we observe two 
notable facts. The first is that, already at this date, 
the province bears the distinctive name of Persia, 
and is a province of itself, being one of the chief 
distriéts of the kingdom of Babylonia and of the 
Assyrian monarchy. And the second fact is that there 
were then already Princes governing opulent districts 
in Persia, for Menon was a Persian prince, and Titon, 
his father, was the Governor of Persia, they being by 
descent, or by affinity of blood-relationship, in the right 
line of the Babylonian kings. All this I should not 
venture to state were it not set down clearly in the 
writings of Berosus and Megasthenes, being a tradition 
found in the Eastern Annals of Belochus and in the 
Books of the Susianian Library. Thus the antiquity 
of Persia as a kingdom is proved to be only a little less 
than the antiquity of the kingdom of Assyria, and the 
Persian kings in descent are even as the kings of 
Babylon; and therefore, if the Babylonian monarchs 
may take pride in being descended from Nimrod, the 
monarchs of Persia may pride themselves on the same 
fact. In truth it must be admitted, however, that we 
find no earlier mention than this of the kingdom of 
Persia, or the name of any Persian prince before the 
days of Lampraes and Pannas, who flourished in the 
year 2670 after the Creation. Still, there are those 
authors aforesaid who indirectly refer to Persia, before 


61 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


this date, as being already a separate province, with 
its Princes who were Governors of the same, namely, 
Titon and Menon, given as nephews and cousins 
of the kings of Assyria and Babylonia. (Our authori- 
ties, we may add, completely fail to tell us how the 
province of Persia came to be so named, and our readers 
must lay the fault for the omission in this particular 
at the charge of the Chaldean and Greek historians, 


whom we have named above. 


62 


ere t ten Y 
In which is continued the genealogy of the Persian kings. 


In the foregoing chapter we have mentioned that 
Sardanapalus was the last king of the Babylonians, and 
his ruin came about in the following manner, if we are 
to credit the story as given by Megasthenes. King 
Sardanapalus held his court in the well-known city of 
Nineveh, so famous for its immense population, and 
among his captains there were two who governed in 
his name, superintending the affairs of war. These 
were Arbaces, a very valiant soldier, and Belesys, the 
captain commanding in Babylonia. Now Belesys was 
a great astrologer, and he had knowledge by that science 
that the end was imminent of the monarchy of the kings. 
of Assyria of the family of Sardanapalus. We may 
indeed believe that God, to serve His divine purpose, 
did thus ordain that this man should be able to trace out 
and get to know what was to come to pass; and though 
I myself do place very little credence in astrology as 
a science, yet I in no wise should venture to dis- 
credit its general principles. In this case, however, I 
deem the facts are manifestly certain, and that those two 
valiant captains, further coming to know that Sardana- 
palus was sunk in disgraceful vice—living the life of a 
woman rather than that of a man, in fact behaving as 
a brute beast and not as should behave a great prince— 
it became clear to them that it were necessary to bring 
about some change in the State. For it is patent that 
the first sign of the ruin of any dynasty is when the 
monarch takes to viciousness and behaves like a silly 
woman. Indeed, let those who govern note well how 
great a curb on evil-doers is in effect the sight of a 


63 


DON JUAN (OR "REA 


prince who, being virtuous and severe, has ever about 
him a majesty of presence. 

To continue, therefore, we learn that Belesys having 
taken counsel with Arbaces—or Arbates, as some give 
the name—the two conspired, and it was agreed that 
Belesys should come and see with his own eyes what 
Sardanapalus did and how he lived. According to 
one account it is affirmed that these officers found him 
seated among the two thousand women whom he kept 
in company about him, and that he was spinning at a 
wheel, his beard shaved off, a woman’s golden coif on 
his head, bracelets on his arms and earrings in his ears. 
On seeing this state of things the two captains broke 
out cursing the king, whom, up to then, they had held 
in all reverence; and in disgust at the sight of the 
effeminate wretch whom they had hitherto faithfully 
served, they both now threw off their allegiance. 
Declaring war on him, and at the head of a mighty army 
of Babylonians and Medes—the Persians not joining 
in, but remaining neutral—the two captains forthwith 
began the campaign and appeared in rebellion. Sar- 
danapalus now at length, but all too late, set himself 
at the head of his army, urged thereto by his brother- 
in-law Salamenus, but Sardanapalus being more at 
. home in matters of pleasure than in the conduct of 
war, no sooner had the trumpets sounded the charge 
than he turned his back on the foe, and retired to shut 
himself up in Nineveh. Of the army, he gave over 
the command to his brother-in-law Salamenus, deputing 
him to lead the troops in the battle on which his life 
and fortune must depend; and here that valiant man 
Salamenus lost his life, but not his honour, for that 
indeed he died to keep. 

Encouraged by their victory in the field, the con- 
spirators now proceeded to lay siege to Nineveh, where 
the cowardly king had shut himself up; who, finding . 
he was at last being abandoned by those in whom he 


64 


SARDANAPALUS 


had trusted aforetime, and seeing the number of his 
enemies daily increase, determined to die by his own 
hand rather than fall alive into the power of Arbaces 
and Belesys. Thus, to end his days as he had lived, 
he caused all his rich raiment and jewels to be brought 
together—and it is said these were of an infinite number 
—and setting all on fire, thus burnt himself and them 
on a pyre in the middle of the great square of Nineveh. 
Shortly after this the capital capitulated to the arms of 
the conspirators, and all the neighbouring cities then 
were conquered, but Belesys, now seeking under cloak 
of pious intention to appropriate to himself the major 
part of the booty in Nineveh that had not been already 
burnt in the fire, fell out with his fellow conspirator, 
and the friends were on the point of becoming declared 
enemies. Almost it came to be that the power which 
they had thus gained in the affairs of state was lost; 
but not so: and of all this we need say no more to 
avoid prolixity in telling the story of the fall of Sardana- 
palus. Finally Arbaces pardoned his friend, and on 
partitioning the provinces Belesys became Satrap of 
Babylonia, Arbaces taking for himself Media and 
Persia, of which last he proclaimed himself the king. 
Throughout all his reign, however, troubles were never 
lacking to him in regard to his lieutenant who governed 
the peoples of Syria and Palestine. 

Thus from Nimrod to Sardanapalus the line of kings 
had continued unbroken, and during 1,370 years they 
had held empire over Syria, Babylonia, Persia and 
Media. But from the time when Arbaces came to the 
throne, and for some time afterwards, the government 
of Media and Persia was in the hands of tyrants, the 
land being ruled by satraps during the next 340 years: 
even until the date when Cyrus and Darius, transferring 
the seat of their empire to Persia, made that province 
the headpiece in the State, as we shall set forth in the 
following chapter. 

65 F 


CHAPTER VII 
In which is continued the line of succession of the kings of Persia. 


In the year 528 before Christ there was born Cyrus the 
Great, who proclaimed himself the world autocrat and 
emperor of Persia. He was succeeded by Cambyses, 
after whom followed the two Magi brothers [Smerdis 
and Pausoutes]. Next in succession came Darius I, 
Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I, Xerxes II, called Sogdianus, 
Darius II, surnamed Nothus, Artaxerxes I], Mnemon, 
who is said to be that Ahasuerus who is named in the 
Scriptures, though it appears that of this attribution 
there is not much foundation in fact. After him came 
Ochus, or Occus, and next Artaxerxes III, although 
many deny the existence of this Artaxerxes, which 
indeed we think the more reasonable view. According 
to some we should place a certain Arses before the last 
Artaxerxes, and after him, they say, came Darius III, 
who was succeeded by Alexander the Great. The 
Persian monarchy next passed into the hands of the two 
- Ptolemies—namely, Ptolemy Philadelphus and Ptolemy 
Euergetes—and then the line became extinét. Now the 
empire of Cyrus the Great and his successors, which 
lasted during 309 years, in the blindness of the faith 
of the Gentiles had by its extension, and greatly to its 
honour, spread over the eastern quarters, also to the 
south and to the north, conquering all the famous kings 
and princes thereof during the Fifth Age. After this 
Age followed the Roman Empire with the grandeur 
of its superb armies and their many great captains, 
by whose victories and labours the greater part of 
Europe and Asia, and even a portion of Africa, came 
under the sway of Rome, thus inaugurating the Sixth 


A RAE UG US TUS 


- Age, in which appeared on earth the Prince of Peace, 
Jesus Christ, 

At that time the second lord universal of the world 
as then discovered, who was the great Oétavianus 
Augustus Cesar, ordered the opening of the gates of 
the Temple of the T'wo-faced Janus, as a sign of uni- 
versal peace; though some authorities do assert that it 
was shutting, not opening, those gates that was the 
sign thereto. In this question, however, we may best 
follow the account of Virgil, in his panegyric of the 
Emperor, though indeed he is rather a poet than a 
reliable chronicler. ‘There is one more matter which is 
not the least indeed of the honours pertaining to the 
Persian kingdom, with the mention of which we shall 
end our account of those of her kings who reigned 
before the time when Christ Jesus was born into the 
world. If we may rely on the assertion made by the 
poet Juvencus in the first book of his Evangelical 
History, it is there by him clearly stated that those 
three Saints, the Kings of the Magi, who came to adore 
Christ the Eternal King of kings, all three were kings, 
and that two of them were from Persia, while the third, 
who was dark skinned, was from Arabia. Now this 
account does not alone rest on the authority of Juvencus, 
but is confirmed by the writings of Saint Basil and by 
theworks of that great Doctor of the Greeks, Athanasius, 
also by Chrysostom, Theodoretus and Nicephorus. 
Saint Antoninus on the other hand, it must be said, 
makes all three Kings of the Magi to come from 
Media and from the city of Vixaria; while Peter Apianus 
asserts that they all were from that Arabia called Felix. 
In any case it is the more reasonable that this matter 
should be understood in the anagogic, mystical and 
moral sense, as it may well be: for were the Magi not 
indeed happily the first men to merit the privilege 
of recognizing and paying their adoration to the Word 
made flesh, Jesus, God incarnate, thus clothed in our 


67 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


human nature? A fact so great and so divine, that 
His omnipotence alone could have compassed it, while 
it was the love He bore for men that, so to speak, 
forced on Him the accomplishment of the same. 
And thus was born into the world Christ Jesus, the 
Saviour, the King of kings, while outwardly the 
earthly monarchy was in the hands of Ofétavianus 
Augustus, 

In Persia and Media there ruled at this period 
governors, and princes under the name of satraps, 
all subject in point of fact to Rome; we may therefore 
consider Augustus to have been at that period the 
actual king of Persia, even if we allow the opinion of 
those who assert that the three Magi were not indeed 
Persian kings. For the Emperor Octavianus Augustus 
was supreme in the government, appointing his exarchs 
and viceroys throughout those eastern provinces, even 
as in after times the Greek Emperors of Constantinople 
appointed the like governors in the west throughout 
Italy, where these held their courts in Rome and 
Ravenna, being acknowledged there and obeyed just 
as though they had been truly the native lords of 
those districts. We conclude, therefore, averring that 
Octavianus Augustus was the last king of Persia before 
the date of the coming of Christ into the world, and 
the first of those to reign there after His birth. Not, 
indeed, that Augustus Cesar was the native king of 
Persia, but that he, so to speak, continued the line of 
succession of their kings until the rise of the new 
monarchy under Artaxerxes [or Ardashir Babegán 
the first Sassanian]: or, as others would have it, and as 
we shall explain shortly, till the time when the first 
Sapor became king of Persia. ‘This statement we freely 
make, but at the same time hold to our opinion that 
the three Kings of the Magi—so called—were in faét 
and deed the princes who themselves and in their 
family carried on the succession of the Persian royal 

| 68 


te LH REE -MAGI 


line during the age when no kings are chronicled— 
namely, from Ptolemy Euergetes down to Sapor; 
and during this interregnum we consider that they were 
in truth Persian monarchs, and though subjects for 
the time being to the Emperors Octavianus Augustus 
and Tiberius Cesar, this in no wise militates against 
their right to be accounted kings in Persia. 


69 


CHAPTER VIII 


In which the genealogy of the Persian kings is continued, and it is 
shown who first preached the Gospel in Persia. 


WE are told in the Sacred Scriptures how the Apostles 
were sent forth through all the provinces of the world 
to preach, and from Perionus and Abdias* we learn 
that to Saint Judas Thaddeus, and to Saint Simon the 
brother of Saint James, the lot fell to carry the Gospel 
into Persia and Media. The fruit of their preaching 
was such that 70,000 persons received baptism. Now 
at that time Xerxes was reigning in Persia,” who was 
also king of Babylonia, and he was then waging war 
against the Jewish people. So the two glorious 
Apostles coming thither, forthwith were brought 
before Barardach, the general of Xerxes—who, accord- 
ing to the account given by Berosus, was the last 
Xerxes who reigned in Persia—and thereupon the 
Apostles had great disputations with Zaroes and 
Arfaxat, two of the Magian priests, who were also 
. magicians. The diabolic obstinacy of these men 
was in the end overcome, and Abdias afterwards 
was consecrated Bishop of Babylon, where sub- 
sequently again more than 20,000 persons were 
baptized. 

Next through the power of the Cross the whole of 
that country mercifully came to be delivered from a 
plague of small but very poisonous serpents, which 
same the winds had brought, even as in Egypt it is 
a plague of flies and locusts that may appear. But the 
Demon could not suffer in peace the conversion of so 
many souls to the Christian faith, and he forthwith 
raised up against those two glorious Princes of the 


70 


dol FAN “MARTY RS 


Church a persecution which did not rest, and in the end 
they both were delivered up to death, their martyrdom 
taking place, as the Church office has duly recorded, 
in the city of Suanyr. Persia none the less was sancti- 
fied by the first-fruits celestial bestowed on her by 
those Captains of the Gospel army, and their teaching 
scattered the seed of the faith throughout the whole 
of that land, as we see clearly by the many persecu- 
tions which afterwards took place there. Then in 
later times also the Church suffered—namely, from the 
days of Nero to those of Valerian and Gallienus, in 
which period more than a million Persians accepted 
martyrdom, willingly dying rather than that they 
should be apostates from the baptism that they had 
received. Wherefore, placing my hope in God, may 
it soon come to pass that through the intercession of all 
these sainted martyrs, all natives of Persia, that the 
miserable blind Persians of to-day, who in such num- 
bers must be on the way to Hell, may find salvation. 
Thus let it be, even though Persia haply should have 
no other glorious example to her credit than that which 
Nicephorus Callistus mentions in Book VIII, chapter 
xxxvil, of his great History,? where he relates how one 
hundred Persian bishops suffered martyrdom together 
rather than deny the name of Christ. By this same 
example God Almighty will, we hope, bring about the 
ultimate salvation of our dear country and native land. 
But so many indeed are the martyrdoms suffered 
throughout Persia in the days of that barbarous and 
warlike King Sapor II—as recorded in Book III of 
the Tripartite History—that I must needs pass most 
of them by in silence, for their number is beyond count. 
He, however, who would care to know of the more 
notable faéts concerning the Christian martyrs of 
Persia, let him turn to the account written by Esaias, 
son of Adabus,* a gentleman of the court of King 
Sapor II, who narrates the martyrdom of Barasichius 
ql 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


and Jonas? with thirteen others, during the thirteenth 
persecution of the Church [in a.D. 327]. Here the 
reader will find notable and wondrous facts narrated. 
Surius® also has touched on this matter in his works, 
but only very succinctly. 

Patriotic sentiment for my native land and its affairs 
has thus far led me somewhat astray from the principal 
subject of this chapter, which is to continue to expound 
the chronology of the kings of Persia. In this matter 
our various authorities often recount events very 
differently; but we may turn to Agathias, who in 
Book II of his History relates an anecdote which, though 
it may in sooth be merely an unauthentic legend, yet, 
coming from so respectable an authority, we shall here 
transcribe, as being, we think, founded on an historical 
incident currently known at that time among the 
Persian people. It is related that in the days of the 
Roman Emperor Alexander Severus, the son of 
Mammea, and in the fourth year of his reign [Ardashir I 
whom the Greeks call] Artaxerxes founded the dynasty 
of the Sassanian monarchs of Persia, and the origin 
of this man Ardashir was after this wise. There lived 
in those days near the shores of the Caspian Sea in 
Hyrcania a certain man, and he was of such lowly 
‘condition, according to Agathias,’ that I shall not 
mention his trade here, but he was at the same time 
a great astrologer and magician, his name being Babek. 
To the house of this man there came for lodging a 
soldier, whose name was Sásán, and Bábek by means 
of his astrology and magic learnt of a certainty that 
from the son of this man Sásán would descend a line 
of great kings and princes. Thereupon Bábek, wish- 
ing to have this honour for his own, and that his 
descendants should be those of the son of the man 
Sásán, and having no daughter of his own to give 
Sásán in marriage, yet sought to compass it that the 
other should become as it were his son-in-law: for he was 


qe 


BÁBEK AND SASAN 


most ambitious that the honour foretold by the horo- 
scope should be his. Bábek thereupon resolved on 
an act more vile and base than ever man before had done 
—namely, to give his own wife to Sásán in wedlock. 
To this extremity his wicked and bestial ambition 
having driven him, next innocently, and not knowing 
that it was in adultery, Sásán lived for several months 
with the wife of Bábek as her husband. She was 
in due time delivered of a boy, to whom the name of 
Ardashir was given, though that he should bear this 
Meine became the cause of a lawsuit, for the real 
husband of his mother, namely Babek, wished that the 
boy, though a bastard, should be called Babek after 
himself. 

We know that God Almighty is wont to chastise 
the arrogance of the proud, making them to suffer 
an affront through the very honours which they have 
sought to gain by evil acts; and through what they 
hope the more therein to prosper, do they the less 
profit in the end. After this fashion the brutish 
Babek was indeed thus abased by that same honour 
which he had sought to gain for himself. While 
the lawsuit about the name was being carried on 
before the judges of those barbarous times, the «boy 
grew up, coming to years of discretion, and then learn- 
ing the truth, held in abomination the vile act of his 
mother’s husband. He therefore determined to call 
himself Ardashir, not Bábek; and afterwards, by effort 
of his genius in a short while he came to what had been 
predicted. As history relates, Artabanus [the last 
king of the Parthian Dynasty] was slain by this same 
Ardashir, who, assuming the style and title of king of 
all the land, became the first of the Sassanian monarchs 
of Persia, and reigned for fifteen years. ‘This therefore 
was the origin and beginning of the third epoch and 
restoration of the Persian State. We, however, must 
confess that we scarce know whether to give credit 


73 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


to the foregoing story, which we shall now leave to 
our readers without further comment. Ardashir was 
succeeded by King Sapor I, and he it was who took 
the Emperor Valerian a prisoner of war, afterwards 
carrying him about with him everywhere in chains, 
and mounting his steed standing on the Emperor’s 
shoulders [as on a horse-block]: a very ignominious and 
not small affront to put upon him who was imperial 
lord of the Greeks and Romans. This Sapor, it 1s 
said, also overran all Mesopotamia, Cilicia, Syria and 
Cappadocia, for he had at his bidding an army more 
powerful than ever barbarian prince commanded before 
his days. Itis on record that in order to pass through 
any mountainous country he was wont to fill up the 
valleys and plains and gorges, bringing the lowlands up 
to the level of the heights by throwing into the hollows 
the dead bodies of his enemies—namely, of those 
whom he had killed in battle. At the end of a reign 
of thirty years, however, he was murdered at the hands 
of Odenathus, the celebrated prince of Palmyra, who, 
it is reported, in his early days had been but a common 
soldier. Sapor left a son who succeeded him as Hor- 
misdas I, but his reign only lasted one year and ten 
days. Then his son, again, named Varahrán I, followed, 
who reigned three years; and after him came his son 
Varahrán II, who reigned ten years; Varahrán III 
following next, who bore the surname of Segestáni,” 
from the country [of Segestán or Sistán] which had 
been conquered by the second Varahrán, his father. 
To him followed Narses, who reigned seven years and 
seven months, when his son Hormisdas 11? succeeded, 
who reigned another period of the same length. He it 
is who was the father of that famous barbarian king 
Sapor II whose reign lasted seventy years, and whose 
birth, with the horoscope of his reign, were together 
so astonishing; for he was king before he was born, 
the circumstances being as follows. 


74 


SAPO RO 


When Hormisdas died, it was found that his wife 
was with child, and the Persian nobles, wishing to know 
whether the infant to be born would be a boy, took 
counsel of the Magi and astrologers. These gave 
answer that it was a male child whom the queen 
carried in her womb. ‘The nobles, however, not being 
persuaded that the truth could be known thus for 
certain, brought a mare who was with foal before those 
same Magi, saying that if they could foretell truthfully 
the sex of the foal of which the mare was pregnant, 
credit would then be given to what they and the astro- 
logers had prognosticated to be the case in regard to 
the queen—such being the superstitious incredulity 
of those blind Persians. The Magi on this affirmed 
that the foal that the mare carried in her belly was a 
horse-colt; upon which, having killed her and opened 
her body, they found the case in faét to be as the Magi 
had foretold. ‘Thus satisfied, the nobles brought in 
the royal crown, and holding it over the body of the 
recumbent queen, swore allegiance to the son whom 
she should bear, and in due time after this ceremony 
Sapor II was born. He was indeed a second Attila, 
for it was he who besieged the city of Nisibis in 
Mesopotamia, being the contemporary of the Emperor 
Julian the Apostate, and of Jovian, who reigned after 
him. It was this same Sapor whose army, when that 
king was besieging the above-named city, God Almighty 
destroyed with a plague of innumerable flies, sent 
against them at the prayer of Saint James, at the time 
bishop of Nisibis. Sapor II was succeeded by his brother 
Ardashir II, and some authorities state that by force 
he took the sceptre from Sapor in the latter’s lifetime; 
but be that as it may, this Ardashir only occupied the 
throne during a reign of four years. He was succeeded 
by his son Sapor 111, who was king of Persia for fifteen 
years, and who was followed by his son Varahran IV, 
whose reign lasted eleven. To him succeeded his 


75 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


son Yazdagird I, the Persian king who was so great 
a friend to the Emperor Arcadius that he appointed 
him at his death to be guardian of his son the Emperor 
Theodosius II. 

Yazdagird reigned for twenty-one years, and was 
succeeded by his son Varahrán V, who reigned twenty 
years. The writer Juan de Tornamira, in his Chrono- 
logía, it is true gives this Varahrán a reign of only 
seventeen years, and some authorities insert here the 
name of another king of Persia [namely, Yazdagird 11] 
following Varahrán V. Then after him ruled Perozes,” 
the rash and vainglorious monarch who came to his 
death in the concealed trench which, as a trap, the 
Ephthalites had dug for his destruction. ‘The authori- 
ties give him twenty years of reign, but it cannot 
indeed have been as long as this. He was followed 
on the throne of Persia by Vahán," and then by Qobad, 
the latter being the son of Perozes. We shall con- 
veniently end this chapter with the account of why 
King Qobád subsequently fled for shelter to these 
same Ephthalites. “The Persians were always jealous 
for their wives, that being a very ancient characteristic 
of the men of this nation. Qobdd, however, to satisfy 
_his lust, and to serve him in a certain particular case, 
caused a law to be promulgated ordaining that all 
women whatsoever and wheresoever should be held 
in common, and any woman might belong to any man 
who should desire her. ‘The men of Persia, however, 
felt the outrage in the matter of this ordinance so 
strongly, that they would have put the king to death 
had he not forthwith fled the country. But this 
having happened, in the event they were satisfied with 
banishing and deposing him, and giving the crown to 
Balas or Palash,'* who some say was the uncle of 
Oobad, while according to others he was his brother. 
Qobád, however, shortly afterwards returned from his 
banishment, having married the daughter of the king 


76 


i E ie y eee! AO ADA PIE 
O uf A LATA MAA 








Fie a be AS pe om oy Py A: Pee e dde cda he ua 
; AA Lem! . 
se E ar 1 
QOBAD | 


th a ites, and he was supported by a mighty 
as in consequence had to vacate the 
and Qobád restored, then governed in peace 
irty years, dying in the fifth year of the reign of 
the Emperor Justinian. He was succeeded by Chos- 
oe , the f first king of Persia of that name. 





1 
mo 
77 | 
* 
. 
ae 
R se J ‘ 
fat if in ai 
vt ee es ea ge de ; 


CHAPTER IX 


In which the genealogy of the Persian kings is continued, with curious 
details that are apposite to the case. 


Tue first Chosroes [known as Anushirván] was one of 
the greatest kings that ever ruled Persia. No day of 
quiet did he let the Emperor Justinian, who was at 
that time ruling in Constantinople, enjoy. Among 
the rest it were enough to recall that memorable in- 
vasion of the Greek Empire which Chosroes brought 
about in the year 577 after Christ. On this occasion 
the number of the Persian troops was so great that the 
cavalry alone were counted at over 15,000, and it was 
then that Daras, a very famous city on the frontiers 
of the Greek Empire, was taken. But matters on the 
return home of Chosroes after this incursion were not 
so favourable to him, for Justin, who was Justinian’s 
nephew’ and Captain-General of the Greeks, encouraged 
by the valour of Kurs, the commander of the Scythian 
right wing of the Imperial army, now attacked Chos- 
roes, when his men fell back in much disorder with a 
slaughter of so many among the Persians that it was 
never possible exactly to discover the number of those 
slain. In that battle, too, Chosroes lost what was of 
much more importance even than the men who fell, for 
the Imperialists in defeating him took possession of 
the Sacred Brazier of the Fire God, a piece of jewel- 
work greatly valued by the Persians, who worship the 
Fire as their Divinity. When therefore it was known 
that this Brazier had been lost, such Persian troops as 
still remained under arms mutinied and would have 
put Chosroes to death, intending to desert his standard. 
Chosroes, however, succeeded fortunately at last in 
quelling this mutiny, and withdrawing his army under 


78 


CELOS OBS ol 


cover of night, sought refuge in the city of Melitene. 
He afterwards crossed back over the Euphrates, which 
river he forded riding an elephant, and thus finally 
found himself in safety from the attack of his enemy. 

Then peace was made, and Chosroes promulgated 
a law which he decreed was to be observed by all his 
successors, and the nobles of the kingdom were by 
its terms bound on oath in future to prevent any 
Persian troops being sent to fight against the Greek 
Emperor or his generals outside the limits of the 
Persian Empire. ‘The Greeks, however, were not to 
be restrained by the proclamation of any such ordi- 
nance, being made arrogant by reason of the victory 
they had gained. ‘The Emperor Justinian in the lapse 
of time was succeeded on the throne by Tiberius I], 
and he depriving Justin of the post of Captain-General 
of the armies, conferred this charge on Maurice, who 
forthwith proceeded to overrun and devastate the 
Persian lands, where he slew Tamchosro, a brave 
Persian commander, and would have done the like to 
his fellow captain Adarman had he not made his 
escape by flight. Then Maurice, following on his 
retreating foes, victoriously entered the kingdom of 
Persia, burning and ravaging the countryside till he 
had crossed the river Zirma, coming to the Argian 
Fields [on the banks of the river Araxes]. Here he 
found himself within sight of Chosroes, who by 
reason of the great heat of that summertide had retired 
to the territories of the Carduchians [in Kurdistan]. 
From this, his place of retreat, the Persian king could 
see the flames and the smoke of the burning hamlets 
which continued to be set on fire by soldiers of the 
Greek army, where they had crossed into the Persian 
territories.” This sight so affected Chosroes that, 
causing himself in haste to be carried back to Seleucia 
on the Tigris, he died there shortly afterwards of his 
chagrin. 

79 


DON FUANXOR PR 


Chosroes was succeeded on the throne by his son 
Hormisdas IV, to whom the Emperor Tiberius, being 
at this time fully occupied with his wars in Italy, now 
sent to make overtures for peace. The Byzantine 
historian Zonaras, an author to be relied on, states 
that the Persian monarch in his barbarian pride refused 
at first to treat, although the Emperor Tiberius had 
sent him as ambassador Justinian [son of Germanus], 
who was Captain-General of his armies. But finally 
an armistice was agreed upon to last three years, though 
the faithless Hormisdas very shortly afterwards broke 
the peace by invading Armenia and ravaging all this 
countryside, which was then under the protection of 
the Greek Emperor. In the year 584 after Christ, 
however, when Maurice had succeeded to the Empire, 
to whom Tiberius aforetime had given his daughter 
Maria in marriage, and who now was reigning in the 
room of his father-in-law—Maurice (I say) three times 
over gave check to the audacious Persians, causing them 
to retire, and next he ejected them in headlong rout 
from the city of Martyropolis, which they had recently 
taken from the Greeks by a double treachery on the 
part of the traitor Sittas. The Persian captains were 
much humiliated by the very disgraceful loss of this 
town, and fearing to appear before their cruel master 
King Hormisdas, retired with their beaten army to the 
city of Nisibis, where they took counsel what to do. 
It was thereupon agreed that they should raise the 
Standard of revolt against Hormisdas, and they chose 
for their leader Varahrán [better known as Bahram 
Chubin], a valiant soldier, who many times already had 
fought against the Turks, at that date a new unknown 
nation who were now invading Persia on the eastern 
frontier. This Bahram Chubin promptly undertook 
the charge laid on him, and acting for the public good 
put Hormisdas to death, together with his wife and 
certain of his sons. 


80 


BAHRAM CHUBÍN 


The Emperor Maurice, however, showed favour 
to Chosroes, the eldest of the sons of Hormisdas, who 
had escaped death at the hands of the conspirators, 
and the Emperor aided him with troops. Whereupon 
Chosroes made his attack on Bahrám Chúbin and his 
companions the Persian traitors, whom certain of those 
Turks had joined in the conspiracy, and in the result 
the Persian royal troops, supported by the Greek army, 
defeated and slew Bahram Chúbin with all those traitors 
in a great battle. A curious matter is mentioned by 
Fray Juan de Pineda,* who may, I think, have taken it 
from the historian Zonaras, which is that these Turks 
aforesaid, who were at that time crass idolaters—for 
naturally this was long before they had become 
Mahomedans—none the less bore on their foreheads 
the mark of a cross. On it being asked of them why, 
as Gentiles and unbelievers, they should bear this 
Christian sign on their heads, it was answered by some 
that when in past time there had been a terrible pesti- 
lence in their country, the people had been cured by 
the Sign of the Cross, which a certain Christian mis- 
sionary had brought and laid on them. Again, Saint 
Antoninus, the Archbishop of Florence, relates what it 
would be hard to credit were it not set down in Part III, 
chapter iv, of his well-known work the Chronicorum 
Opus, being to the effect that King Chosroes was so 
much the friend of the Emperor Maurice that the 
latter gave him one of his daughters in marriage, who 
after becoming his wife brought it about that Chosroes 
let himself be baptized as a Christian. Now this 
possibly may be true, but withal I know not how if this 
Chosroes were really a Christian he could be the same 
monarch who later devastated Syria, Palestine and 
Pheenicia, with Armenia, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, 
even coming up to Chalcedon, which stands over 
against Constantinople. 

But be this as it may, what alone needs to be related 

81 G 


/ 


DON“ JUAN CORP PERS 


in the present case is that the Emperor Maurice 
having come to be murdered by Phocas, who then 
for a time occupied the purple, Heraclius in due 
course compassed the death of Phocas, and thus 
becoming Emperor, was publicly crowned in Con- 
Stantinople together with his wife Eudocia, otherwise 
known as Fabia: all this in the year 612 of our Redemp- 
tion. The reign of Heraclius lasted for thirty years, 
and in the following chapter we shall tell of the events 
which took place during this period, as between 
Chosroes and the Emperor Heraclius. We shall 
conclude our account in the present chapter by men- 
tioning a fact which Mattheeus Palmerius has recorded 
in his book called the Chronicon—namely, that when 
this Heraclius became Emperor of Constantinople, in 
Spain the famous Visigothic king Sisebut was his 
contemporary. 


82 


CHAPTER X 


Which continues and concludes the genealogy of the ancient kings of 
Persia. 


Cuosrozs [I], surnamed Parviz] was the great rival 
of Heraclius, and Christianus Masseus,* in Book XIII 
of his Chronicles, relates that the Persian king feeling 
himself now to be more powerful than his neighbour, 
three times over rejected the offers of peace which 
Heraclius made him, refusing also to accept the rich 
gifts which, if we are to credit the annals of the time, 
the Emperor sent to him. Indeed, the Persian king 
proclaimed that he would only grant peace under 
conditions so disgraceful to the honour of the 
Christians that the contemporary chronicles keep 
silence as to the terms, so insulting were they. 
That famous and valiant Emperor Heraclius, how- 
ever, now first made a peace with Dagan, king of 
the Arabs,” and then returned to wage war against 
Persia for the glory of Christendom and the Greek 
Empire. On this Chosroes [sent his general Shahr- 
Barz] to invade Palestine, he ravaging the land so 
mercilessly that in Jerusalem alone he slew 20,000 
men. Further, and what was the more pitiful, and a 
matter of dire confusion for all the Christian peoples 
of that age, the Persians carried off from Jerusalem the 
Relic of the Most Precious Cross, on which our Lord 
Jesus Christ had suffered death. 

All this promptly coming to the knowledge of the 
Christian Emperor Heraclius, he suffered most intense 
grief therefrom, and was filled with an anxiety to 
recover possession of that Holy Relic, also to regain 
possession of the lands that had been lost to the Empire. 
He therefore marched out from Constantinople at 


83 


DON JUAN OF PE Rea 


Easter-tide, and in spite of unequal numbers deter- 
mined to come to an issue with the Persian king. At 
the passage of the Taurus mountains he furiously 
attacked the satrap Shahr-Barz, who was second in 
command under orders of Chosroes his master. Hera- 
clius, according to the account of a reliable authority, 
on this occasion cried aloud, shedding many tears, and © 
prayed saying, “ Deus judica causam tuam.” He then 
furiously charged the enemy, and putting them to 
rout, took possession of the city of Agazago,” from 
whence Chosroes had just fled. Here he entered the 
Temple of the Sun, and taking possession, carried off 
all the rich treasures that Chosroes had amassed, 
and above all with every reverence he removed and 
brought back to Jerusalem that most Precious Cross. 
Some authorities, on the other hand, state that after 
Heraclius had put the Persian armies to flight, he 
marched on, and entering the Temple of the Sun there 
found Chosroes seated in all majesty on his throne. 
Then through magic arts the thunder rolled and rain fell, 
while the Sun and the Moon and the Stars were at the 
feet of Chosroes, and at his right hand stood the most 
Holy Cross, and at his left was a Cock. But Heraclius 
coming in upon Chosroes slew him. The more 
authentic account, however, is different from the above, 
and is to the effect that the Persian king did not die by 
the hand of Heraclius; but in fact otherwise, as we shall 
nowexplain. For Chosroes lived on, and after a time was 
succeeded by his son Siroes,* he after a most tyrannical 
fashion coming to be king of Persia. And this he 
accomplished contrary to all law and reason, for Siroes, 
disregarding both duty and filial affection—which, 
indeed, by natural instinct the very brute beasts 
display and pay, though rudely, to their parents who 
have begotten them and brought them into the world 
—Siroes (we learn) slew his father with his own hand, 


further his mother and his brothers. Then by the 
84 


UNOS 


help of certain of the satraps he gained possession of 
the whole kingdom of Persia; but his reign lasted only 
for a single year, and that with many terrible accidents, 
the same brought about by his evil course of life. 

Now there are some historians who state that there 
was more than one king who reigned between Siroes 
and his successor, the satrap Shahr-Bárz, but I can find 
no confirmation of this. Most authorities indeed 
agree that Shahr-Barz ruled Persia only for half a year 
or less, in succession to Siroes, and that to him followed 
Barnares or Harnares,? one of the sons of Chosroes 
Parviz who had escaped the murderous hands of his 
cruel brother Siroes. He during seven months 
occupied the throne of Persia, but ever in constant 
fear and dread, and without liberty of action. On his 
death he was succeeded by Hormisdas,* the last of the 
Chosroes, and he reigned for ten years. Joseph 
Scaliger States that in the tenth year of the reign of this 
same Hormisdas, the king being weary of life and 
harassed on the one side by the attacks of the Greek 
Emperor, and on the other side by the incursions of 
the Arabs, as also much disturbed at home by divers 
rebellions of the satraps, called in Omar the Caliph of 
the Moslems to his succour. Whereupon Omar 
entering Persia enabled the king, it is said, forthwith 
to pacify or subjugate his rebellious people. Other 
authorities, however, relate the matter differently, 
Stating that it was the Turks, who were at that time 
idolaters, who were called in by King Hormisdas. 
Be the matter, either that they called in both Moslems 
and Turks together, or that 1t was only the one party 
who came, it is stated that the Persian king did not 
sufficiently reward his two allies—or whichever party 
it was who alone had come to his aid. Nay, on the 
contrary, in place of thanks he gave them only evil 
words, calling them dogs. Hence those who had 
powerfully helped him were distressed and next became 


85 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


indignant. Then the Arabs, who were much dis- 
appointed in the expectation of rich gifts in money 
from Hormisdas, joined forces with the Turks who 
were encamped in the foot-hills of the Taurus range, 
and together they attacked the Persians, becoming in 
a short time masters of the richest provinces of both 
Persia and Media. 

The Caliph Omar now coming to know his own power 
vigorously pushed on the war against the Persian 
kingdom. At the end of ten years of fighting he had 
brought to naught all opposition of the Persian nobility, 
and had subjugated all those princes that were left of 
the descendants of the royal house of the Arsacids— 
namely, of the progeny of Arbaces, Chosroes, Hormis- 
das, Xerxes, Artaxerxes, Darius and Cyrus. Omar 
thus made himself absolute master of their empire and 
state, introducing and spreading among their people 
the new poison of the bestial set of Mahomed; and 
it is on this account that Joseph Scaliger very exactly 
describes Omar as he who did waste and spill the 
blood of the Persian kings. Then Omar at last tired 
of all this slaughter, and betook himself to Jerusalem, 
where he established his sect of the Moslems. By 
the advice of certain wretches he next undertook to 
_ rebuild the Temple of Solomon; but a Persian whom 
he had carried with him thither in his train, and whose 
name was Margancia,’ calling to mind the lamentable 
tragedy of his native country, on a certain night slew 
Omar, in honourable but barbarous revenge. Omar, 
however, did not die on the spot, and in the hours that 
he still lived he named as his successor in the Caliphate 
Othman, he being one of his chief captains. 


86 


CHAPIER XI 


In which is told the beginning of the history of the Moslem Arabs who 
were masters of the Persian kingdom, with other matters of import 
to be known. 


Wuen Othman in the year 640 after Christ had 
succeeded Omar in the Caliphate, and he had been the 
captain of the Moslem armies before this time, he 
forthwith turned to matters of policy and government, 
being intent also on introducing some innovations in 
religion, whereunto he made a new and foolish decree 
in the matter of the Moslem faith, which is since 
known as the Shari'ah. Further, being prone to 
destroying from jealousy all those ‘objeéts which are 
most worthy of preservation in the remembrance of 
the world, and from avarice selling their relics, among 
many other remarkable monuments that he brought 
to ruin was the Colossus of Rhodes. This always had 
been held as one of the Seven Wonders of the World, 
and with reason; for as reliable authorities relate, it 
was a figure in bronze of such monstrous size that it 
measured 120 feet in height, being most curiously 
wrought exactly to reproduce the semblance of a living 
man. ‘That celebrated artificer in metal-work, Chares 
of Lindus, spent twelve years of labour in moulding, 
adjusting and burnishing the statue, and it had stood 
intaét for 1,370 years when Othman caused it to be 
destroyed. ‘To carry away the bronze was the burden 
of goo camels, each bearing a charge of thirty arrobas 
[or about 7 cwt.] of the metal. 

Othman did many other extravagant acts, and finally 
died, murdered, it is said, by the hand of a slave whom 
‘Ali ordered to do this deed. He had been Caliph of 
Babylonia, Persia and Media during twelve years, and 


87 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


of such murders as this, among the great of the various 
Moslem sects, I shall frequently mention examples. 
And now it is not my intention to do more here than 
name briefly in succession those Caliphs who held rule 
over Persia. I say therefore that Othman was suc- 
ceeded by ‘Ali, who also came to a violent death, being 
murdered in the city of Kúfah by order of Mu“áwiyah.' 
As Caliph of Baghdad in Babylonia,* and ruling also 
over Persia, Mu'áwiyah followed “Alí, but until the 
twelfth year of his reign he had not a moment of peace, 
being continually at war with the Emperors of Con- 
stantinople; at length, however, a treaty for an armistice 
was concluded between them to last, 1t was agreed, for 
thirty years. Then Mu'áwiyah, finding himself free 
from the business of war, went back to the city of 
Damascus, and calling a parliament strove to set the 
affairs of his false religion in better order. At that 
time, as he rightly perceived, the Moslems were 
rapidly becoming divided up into many opposing 
sects, and he proceeded to appoint a commission of 
six wise men, whose names were Mulciano, Báario, 
Buora, Sidi-Noccio, Sidi-Tanuin and Sidi-Daud.* 
Next giving over into their hands the various scrolls 
and papers which the Prophet Mahomed had left at his 
death, those six Alfaquis, or Masters in Religion, set 
to work and composed a book of precepts, articles 
and commandments, which those who followed the 
law of the Prophet were forthwith bound to obey. To 
this book they gave the name of Alcoran, decreeing 
penalties for all those who should follow any other 
sect but theirs. 

In the year 703 after Christ there ruled at Baghdad* 
over the kingdom of Persia, the Caliph Yazid, the son 
of Mu'áwiyah, who in place of warlike business, which 
in those unquiet lands was the more important task to 
see to, played the part of a lover, and wrote poetry 
to such purpose as to become as it were a very Virgil 

88 


NZ Dy AT 


of Mantua, but indeed after a barbarous fashion; 
though as his enemies have burnt all his poetic works 
we lack any exact knowledge of their value. Then 
‘Abd-Allah, the brother of Yazid, wearying of all this 
verse-making and neglect of the affairs of government 
and of the army, according to one account with his own 
hand put Yazid to death, though the more probable 
story is that this “Abd-Allah was [not his brother] but 
an accomplice with other partisans [of the House of 
‘Ali] who contrived and carried out the plot to get rid 
of the Caliph. Be this as it may, these men then pro- 
claimed Husayn,” son of ‘Ali, as Caliph, but he too was 
shortly afterwards slain by these same conspirators. 
Then in these days when there were many chiefs, 
who time and again arose, making themselves leaders 
of faction in the diverse provinces, there appeared in 
Persia—which is the country we now are chiefly 
dealing with, and shall deal with in the following pages 
—a man who was an Arab of the name of Mukhtar,® 
who caused himself to be proclaimed Grand Caliph of 
Persia, but he found so many opponents to his claims 
that scarcely for a day did he live in peace, the reigning 
Caliph of Baghdad being ever against him. His 
chief adversary, however, was Mus‘ab [brother of 
Ibn Zubayr the Anti-Caliph of Mecca], who finally 
slew him in battle. But after this *Abd-al-Malik— 
he whom the Arabs settled in Persia, where they had 
been much persecuted and who now were in open 
revolt, had recently acclaimed as their Caliph—this 
‘Abd-al-Malik, avenging the death of Mukhtar, slew 
Mus‘ab, thus finally coming into undisputed possession 
of the Caliphate over Persia, Mesopotamia and Arabia. 
*Abd-al-Malik was succeeded by his son Walid, who was 
so famous throughout the western lands of Europe and 
Africa, for the most reliable authors agree that this was 
the Caliph who, to our undoing in Spain, commanded 
that Moslem aid should be given to the traitor Count 


89 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Julian in the year 708 after Christ. And indeed it 
must be this Caliph Walid who helped Don Julian, for 
Christian Spain was not lost in the year 714, as some 
have reported (but in 708), and it was this same Caliph 
who was generally called “the Sword of God.” When 
Walid died he was succeeded by Sulayman, and he in 
turn by Omar II, but these three Caliphs had enjoyed 
during their reigns so little peace and quiet that scarcely 
could it be said that for an entire day any one of them 
was really and fully recognized as sovereign over all 
Persian lands. 

To these three, after continuous wars, succeeded 
Yazid II as thirteenth Caliph, and when he died his 
son Hisham came to the throne in the year 748, who 
called himself Grand Caliph of Syria and Persia. But 
at about this date another Grand Caliph was elected 
in Egypt to oppose him, who was named Marwan 
[and he was to be the last Omayyad Caliph], and he 
made a treaty with the Emperor Constantine, the 
fifth of that name, becoming tributary to him, whereby 
he thought to oppose Hisham the more successfully. 
And this indeed was so, for coming against his enemy 
and making open war in the field, with the aid of the 
Emperor he overcame Hisham, slaying him, and thus 
_ Marwan became the undisputed ruler of Babylonia 
and Persia, the fifteenth Caliph in the line of the 
Omayyad House. Now about this same time Persia 
came to be divided up between two great parties in 
the state, one the Keisite Arabs of Modar, and the other 
the Háshimites [of the House of ‘Abbas], who, these 
last, were known as followers of the law of the Imam 
Ja‘far [great grandson of Husayn]. Taking advantage 
of this division of opinion, a certain Persian, a man of 
great valour called Sulayman’ Abu-Muslim, arose, 
and he preached the doctrine of Mukhtar [spoken of 
above, namely, that of the Seét of the Shi‘ah], asserting 
that the Caliph “Ali truly had been a greater prophet 


go 


ABU-MUSLIM 


than even the Prophet Mahomed. Next Abu-Muslim 
proclaimed himself Amir-al-Muslimin (Commander 
of the Moslems), and proceeding to attack the Keisite 
faction overcame [Nasr] Ibn Sayyár, who was their 
chief, and slew him. On this, Abu-Muslim, having 
at command an army of 100,000 men, quietly awaited 
the attack of the Caliph Marwan, who was marching 
against him with 300,000 men. ‘There now took 
place one of the most bloody and fiercely contested 
battles that the nations of the East had ever seen, for 
it was fought between Medes and Persians; and the 
number of men in the army of Marwan with their 
followers at last had reached a total of 400,000. At 
the close, Marwan, completely defeated, fled with his 
wife and his sons, followed by all those of his house- 
hold. Marwan sought refuge in Egypt, but Zelma,* 
the son of Abu-Muslim, following after, finally brought 
him to his death in the year 754 after Christ. From 
Abu-Muslim, otherwise called Amir Sulayman, was 
descended? Músá Kazim (the Seventh Imám), who at 
a later date strove in the interest of the Family of the 
Prophet Mahomed to regain the Caliphate; and from 
Musa Kazim again were descended the Sophi kings of 
Persia through the line of Mukhtar (already mentioned) 
and of Muhammad or Ahmad” [namely, the Imam 
Al Mahdi, the twelfth in descent], from ‘Ali and 
Fátimah, the daughter of the Prophet Mahomed, as 
will be more fully explained later. The Persians, after 
their victory described above, elected [Abu Muslim, 
otherwise] the Amir Sulayman as their Caliph,” but 
after this ‘Abd-Allah Ibn Muhammad [who came 
to be known as the second Abbasid Caliph Mansur], 
the brother of Abu Ja'far** [namely, Saffáh the founder 
of the dynasty], was before long acknowledged as 
supreme Caliph throughout Syria. This Caliph 
Mansúr, a man of great astuteness, forthwith 
brought all his adversaries to their deaths, naming them 


gi 


DON |, UAN: OF PERS 


as traitors, and remaining then the sole and absolute 
Caliph, he with evil machinations next compassed the 
murder of the Amir Sulayman Abu-Muslim, his all 
too powerful general. 

The Caliph Mansúr at his death was succeeded by 
his son Muhammad, called Mahdi, who reigned for 
nine years, and after him came his eldest son Hárún- 
ar-Rashid, who reigned for twenty-three years, being 
the nineteenth in succession of the Moslem Caliphs. 
Then on his death, when it had come to the year 792, 
his two sons Muhammad [Amin] and ‘Abd-Allah 
[Mámún] both together succeeded to the throne, and 
the strife between the two brothers was such that there 
was no peace from war and insurrections till such time 
as when the party of Muhammad [Amin] had finally 
gained the ascendant. Then the Caliph Amin, now in 
possession of supreme power, founded among the ruins 
of Babylonia a famous city, to which he gave the name 
of Baghdad,” which, untouched by time, flourished 
until it was destroyed by the Tartars [under Húlágú 
Khan] in the year 1258 after Christ. 


92 


SILA DE o Ll 


Continuation and conclusion of the succession of Saracen Caliphs, who 
reigned over Persia, down to the time when the Ottoman Turks 
began to govern there. 


Tue Caliphs of Baghdad ever continued to gain glory 
and honour in governing Persia, and Imbrael [other- 
wise the Caliph Amin], who succeeded [his father”] 
in the year 846, reigned fifteen years, and till the day 
of his death greatly fostered the affairs of the Persian 
people. He was succeeded by his brother Mámún, 
who was killed in battle, he and his sons, after but a 
short reign: some say this was when fighting against 
the armies of the Emperor Michael, others that it was 
the troops of the Emperor Theophilus. 

After him came Mu'tasim, who was inimical to the 
Persians, for he is of all men the one they hate most; 
further, he it was who in truth inaugurated the ruin of 
Persia, for in his days the Persians called in the Turks 
to their aid and succour against the Arab tyranny. 
The Turks indeed then must have found the land of 
Persia much to their liking, and even to the present 
day it has been impossible to get them gone therefrom. 
This Mu'tasim was Caliph for twenty-three years, and 
at his death was succeeded by Qáim, who died after 
reigning forty-four years. Then in the year 980 after 
Christ, Persia, Egypt and Baghdad were divided up 
among three Caliphs, and in Persia Muhammad, son of 
Ignaro,? had rule, whom the Caliph of Baghdad, Pysa- 
syri, so greatly harassed that he (Ignaro) was forced to 
callin his neighbours the Turks to help him; buta time 
came later when Pysasyri himself was paid back justly 
for his evil deeds and tyrannies to both Persians and 
Turks. For he having robbed and put to death very 
many of the Turks who inhabited the Caucasus moun- 


20 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


tains, these latter sent for aid to Trangolipix® [as the 
Byzantines call Tughril Beg the Seljuq]. He then 
with a great army invaded the country of Islam, 
and though the Caliphs of Baghdad and Persia 
opposed him and successfully defended the ford 
known by the name of Hamete—where the river 
Araxes of Armenia is crossed—the enemy took posses- 
sion of all the mountain region of Armenia, and 
thence descending into Persia, and the kingdoms 
adjacent, put an innumerable multitude of folk to death 
by the sword; finally also killing both the Caliphs 
[namely of Baghdad and Persia]. 

It was on this occasion that the Turks finally became 
overlords of Persia, and with other provinces that 
he subsequently conquered Tughril Beg became 
Grand Sultan, being succeeded in due time by his 
nephews: and hence after this the Caliphs of Baghdad 
entirely ceased to have rule over Persia, and the Turks 
dominated the country; in time abandoning their 
idolatrous religion—for originally they had been 
pagans—and becoming Mahomedans. After this 
wise therefore the rule and sway of the Turks con- 
tinued until the government came to Belcepho, who, 
ruling as autocrat, took occasion to be called the 
Emperor of Persia. He it was who made his nephew 
Alphagalo governor of Lesser Armenia. Alphagalo 
becoming ambitious of glory, being intent to rival the 
deeds of Alexander the Great, conquered Cilicia, 
Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, Cappadocia, Great 
Armenia, Galatia, Paphlagonia, Pontus and Bithynia, 
assuming the title of Grand Sultan, and commanding 
that he should be called Salamansa (which is Sulaymán) 
or, as we say, Solyman.* From the year 1000 after 
Christ to the year 1200 the affairs of Persia remained 
as we might say in abeyance, for the country was 
governed either by civil or military chiefs sent to rule 
the land by some one of the various overlords of Meso- 


94 


INEA AND TAR LARS 


potamia, whether of the Turk or of the Tartar nation. 
For these two peoples, alternately supreme, were 
fighting against each other during this period, and they 
were ever and anon committing all kinds of massacre 
and robbery throughout the lands of the Fast, 
Finally the Tartars got the better of their rivals after 
the year 1244, and remained in power till the year 
1280, when the Turks again came to their own.” But 
afterwards the seven provinces [of Asia Minor] which 
the Turks had now gained were reduced in number, 
and their seven Amirs came to be no more than four 
principal governors in the Amirates, under four chiefs 
of families whose names were Caraman, Candelor, 
Othman and Hasan Beg, from the last of whom was 
descended Uzun Hasan the valorous king of Persia, 
as will be told later. To the Amir Othman here 
mentioned succeeded his youngest son Orkhán, and 
these two Amirs laid the foundation of the sovereignty 
of the Ottoman House, as is stated by Genebrardus in 
Book IV of his works.© The father, Othman, is 
reported to have been of very humble origin, for he 
was the son of a common soldier named Ertoghrul, 
and was born at a village called Sugut [Thebasion]. 
He having gained possession of many lands, set up his 
court in the city of Brusa in Bithynia—that same city 
which King Prusias built who gave aid to Hannibal. 
But he who would more particularly have details of the 
history of the Ottoman House must read Cuspinianus 
and Georgievits, and these authorities have treated of 
the matter very copiously.’ For our present purpose, 
here, it will be enough to say that the successor of 
Othman was Orkhán, followed by Sultan Murad I* 
and Bayazid I, who was the rival of Timur Beg 
or Tamerlane. These Ottoman Sultans had now 
established their dominion over most parts of Asia 
Minor, and further as their own subjects and in their 
dependence they now held all the native princes of 


95 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Persia and Media, until the time when, as above 
mentioned, the Great Tamerlane having conquered 
most of Asia, overcame Bayazid I [at the battle of 
Angora], and then put him in a cage, afterwards 
using him as a block from which to mount his horse. 
It appears to us further that we may count the Great 
Tamerlane among the number of the kings of Persia, 
and we call the attention of our readers to the fact that 
at his death there were present the ambassadors of 
Spain, who had been sent by Henry III, king of Castile, 
to treat with Tamerlane, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo 
being one of these ambassadors, the same who wrote ~ 
the account of that embassy.? Then during the period 
of troubles arising when there was war between the 
claimants to the inheritance of the Great Tamerlane— 
whom the Turks call Ilderim,*” which is as much as to 
say the Whirlwind or the Lightning—his grandson 
the tyrant Omar Mirza obtained the supreme power 
and invoked the aid of our ambassadors, who (on their 
return journey) were at Van, a city lying to the west 
of Tabriz. All this country was part of the ancient 
kingdom of Persia, and at that time was under the 
dominion of those tyrants who had in the first instance, 
by craft, succeeded to the heritage of Tamerlane— 
namely, his grandsons Sugurghatmish and Baysunqur. 
But both these tyrants and others soon lost their hold 
on the states that Tamerlane had in the short time of 
his life conquered, and all this country afterwards came 
back under the government of Sultan Muhammad I, 
the youngest son of Sultan Bayazid I, who had suc- 
ceeded (in 1402) to his father’s throne by deeds of 
violence, and by the murder of all his elder brothers. 
After him came Murad II (in 1421), when the great 
king of the Tartars of Cathay (Shah Rukh) took over 
rule in all those eastern countries, until the date (as will 
be shown later) when the Sophi kings of Persia finally 
restored that monarchy to its pristine power and glory. 


96 


CHAPTER XIII 


In which the affairs of the Ottomans and of the Persians are continued 
to their final Stage. 


SULTAN Munammap II (who succeeded in 1451), son 
of Murad II,* was surnamed the Great [and was the 
conqueror of Constantinople]. As Johannes Cus- 
pinianus relates, he prospered greatly in his policy, 
both in Europe and in Asia, though not without a 
rival on the side of Persia, for here Uzun Hasan was 
now king,” who has already been mentioned as a de- 
scendant of Hasan Beg, one of the early Turkish Amirs 
- Of Asia Minor. He ever opposed Sultan Muhammad 
valiantly, being the chief enemy whom the latter had 
now to compass among the many potentates who were 
his neighbours. This Uzun Hasan was indeed as much 
a Turk, by blood, as the Sultan himself, but he prided 
himself greatly in being of true Persian nationality, 
and not an Asiatic Turk (as was the Ottoman Sultan). 

This in fact 1s what we may deduce from the 
happenings when the Venetians took up arms against 
Sultan Muhammad II, and when Venice made that 
valiant soldier Pietro Mocenigo captain-general of 
her sea forces.? It was then that Uzun Hasan, king 
of Persia, sent his first embassy to the Venetians, and 
while Pietro Mocenigo was still at the island of Rhodes.* 
When the Persian ambassadors from Uzun Hasan 
came to him, it became quite clear to the Venetians 
what was this enmity which has ever existed between 
the Persiarrand the Turk; for the Persian ambassador 
had been told to promise that Uzun Hasan would 
attack the Sultan on the side of Armenia at the very 
- same time that the Venetians made their attack, for 
they were then on the point of laying siege to the city 

97 H 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


of Adaliyah in Pamphylia. Thus he who was the 
enemy of both parties might peradventure be totally 
overcome. Fray Juan de Pineda in his Monarchia 
EcclesiaStica mistakenly calls Uzun Hasan the Sophi 
of Persia, and I know not how such a grave author 
can have so forgotten himself, for indeed the title of 
Sophi was never known in Persia till the beginning of 
the 16th century, as we shall explain more exactly in 
the opening pages of our Second Book. The reply 
which the Venetians on this occasion gave to the 
embassy of Uzun Hasan did not satisfy him, but next 
coming to know that Pietro Mocenigo was gone to 
Napoli di Romania [Nauplia in Greece], he forthwith 
sent a second ambassador who should explain the 
matter more clearly, and at the same time urgently 
demand potent succour against the Turk. This 
ambassador afterwards came on to Venice, and the 
Signory now began to perceive that the quarrel which 
they had on hand with Sultan Muhammad made it of 
great importance for them to be in close alliance of 
friendship with Persia. The treaty therefore was 
concluded, and the Venetians despatched three small 
vessels, under sail, but reinforced by rowers, to their 
captain-general Pietro Mocenigo” in Greek waters. 
From thence these ships took on board 100 artillery- 
men of experience and capacity, who were immediately 
sent on to Persia, for in the matter of their artillery the 
Persian armies suffered greatly from a paucity of 
cannon, while on the other hand the Turkish armies 
in Asia were very well equipped in this arm, and they 
could effeét much damage in their attack. On this 
occasion the ambassador whom the Venetians sent was 
that Josaphat Barbaro, already mentioned, who was well 
acquainted with the Persian tongue, and he was the 
bearer of many rich jewels as gifts to the Persian king.* 
Josaphat Barbaro set sail therefore from Venice, and 


though his embassy to Persia produced little effect, he 
98 


JOSAPHAT BARBARO 


none the less made report to the Signory of many things 
that he saw there with his own eyes, speaking of the 
great power of Persia, and this was of much importance 
coming later to the knowledge of the kingdoms of the 
West, through being faithfully set down in the book 
which he subsequently wrote.’ The reason indeed 
that his embassy to the Persian king effected so little 
was that the Persians having no ships at sea, never 
could make their power felt against the Ottoman 
Sultans, hence at no time could they bring any force 
in aid to Pietro Mocenigo, who was now effectively 
harassing the Turks [with the Venetian galleys] off the 
coast regions of Cilicia and Syria. Pietro Mocenigo 
at this same season was busied with restoring to their 
own, in the kingdom of Cilicia, the two Qaramán 
brothers whom Sultan Muhammad had dispossessed. 
These princes were Pir Ahmad, who had taken refuge 
at the court of Uzun Hasan, and Hasan Beg, his 
younger brother.* 

Sultan Muhammad, feeling much vexed by the 
opposition which the Persians had put up against 
him in Asia Minor, was now making preparations to 
march and invade Western Persia with an immense 
army, including both horse and foot, and numbering 
320,000 men. But the army which the Persian king 
had assembled was yet greater, for the writer Bernard 
of Breydenbach® states that the squadrons of the 
cavalry alone of the Persians exceeded in number 
350,000 horse. There followed one of the most 
celebrated battles that ever came to be fought in Asia 
between rival Moslem potentates,'” for the two mighty 
armies having been drawn up in battle array, set to, 
and the struggle lasted for two whole days before the 
viétory was declared. And again, although with 
some truth it may be affirmed that the Turk was here 
the victor, yet the victory cost him so dear that Sultan 
Muhammad never again dared to attack Persia, and in 


qa 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the future turned all his attention to the wars in Europe. 
Here more particularly he intervened in the affairs of 
Italy; where in the terrible destruétion which the 
Turks wrought at Otranto in [July, 1480] the Roman 
Pontiff (Sixtus IV) himself was put in no small peril. 
Then by the mercy of God Sultan Muhammad II 
died suddenly [May, 1481], whereby Christendom 
was delivered from its most arrogant enemy. Uzun 
Hasan, too, on his part was overwhelmed by his defeat 
[at this battle of Terján], and was so cast down by the 
death of his eldest son and heir, who was killed in the 
engagement, that he immediately retired, marching 
back to Persia, there very shortly afterwards dying of 
melancholy. 

With him the line of Hasan Beg the Turk Amir 
came to an end, and no other Turkish prince after- 
wards governed in Persia, though during the next 
score of years this country was ruled by the two suc- 
cessors of Uzun Hasan [namely, Sultan Ya‘qub and 
this prince’s nephew Rustam, but at least on the 
mother’s side | these princes were rather to be accounted 
Arabs than Turks. These successors of Uzun Hasan 
therefore came to power and for a while held rule over 
Persia, but with a further interval Isma'il, the first 
Sophi monarch, arose to kingship, with whose Strange 
adventures we shall begin our Second Book. We 
have therefore now finally done with all these foreign 
kings, or Caliphs, whether Arabs or Turkomans or 
Ottomans, who in long past times and seasons have 
held rule over the lands of Persia. 


TOO 











Seconp Book of the Account of Don 


_ father, Sultan “Ali Beg Bayát, took 
their share. 


IOI 








YE AN oa 

















Cri Biz ph rales 


fast 





3 
4 
A 


ÍIgrÍs 


ST ver 
a 
Bakr 


QaraAmid 
.or Diyar 


y 


8 


E 
Ñ 


ÍA 


KURDI 


MESOPOTAMIA 





a 


ra UDA r= > 




















| Y 
N 

| E > 

S 

Y O 

| 6 $ 

ES S 

> AS 

= ~ 


JO 








AY 





YP CULMS 1300 to 1000 


GOUWYGA. 


Ed 


AR 
A 
ES el 


ca 





CHAPTER I 


In which is described the history of the firs? Sophi King of Persia, with 
divers curious events thereto happening. 


AND now came the year 1500, so celebrated and worthy 
of remembrance for many events that profited Christen- 
dom; and not the least of these the wars that had burst 
out and flamed up among the various infidel states of 
Asia. ‘This was after the death of Sultan Muham- 
mad II, who, as we have seen, was succeeded by his 
son Bayazid II in the year 1481. Sultan Bayazid, 


_ following in the ambitions and the tyrannical footsteps 


of his father, forthwith prosecuted the war against 
Ibrahim the prince of Qaramán,' and also, on the other 
hand, allowed no moment of peace to the Burji 
Mamluk Sultan of Grand Cairo. We might, too, 
say much about the insurreétions and plots stirred up 
by his elder brother Prince Jem [Jamshid], as also of 
the rebellion in Constantinople of his son the young 
Qurqud, but all these matters are indeed beyond the 
scope of this book, and so we shall leave the telling of 
them to those who have more particularly dealt with 
the same. For our purpose, all that need here be said, 
is that Sultan Bayazid finding himself at last in peaceful 
and unquestioned possession of the supreme power, 
now gave over warring and vilely betook himself to a 
vicious life of ease, though this was quite foreign to 
what his former masterful character seemed likely to 
have disposed him. 

‘The year 1500, however, is further most memorable 
for having seen the birth of the Great Cesar 
Charles V, that mighty column of Christendom, the 
glory of the House of Austria, and the supreme honour 
of Spain, who indeed was ever an inexpugnable wall 

103 


DON" PUAN OBR OP RS 


of defence for the True Faith, and to the close of his 
life the terror of all her enemies. This therefore will 
ever suffice to make that age, which indeed runs 
continuous with our own, most famous, but further 
detail concerning it is beyond our present purpose, and 
we may now forthwith return to those matters that we 
have promised more especially to treat of. 

I say, therefore—and in spite of the faét that 
opinions differ on this subject between such authorities 
as Amandus of Zieriksee? and Bernard of Breydenbach 
as against Paulo Giovio*—I say that at a date that 
was more or less some twenty-four years previous to 
the first year of the 16th century—and in this we 
follow the common report which was current among us 
Persians—namely, at a date which, if our reckoning 
be exact, may be set down at the year 1472, Isma‘il 
the son of Shaykh Haydar of Ardebil was born, who 
afterwards was known as the Sophi, Ardebil being the 
city of which his father was lord. Now Shaykh 
Haydar was a learned astrologer, being also held as a 
Saint in the opinion of the Moslems of Persia, and 
when his son was born he foretold by his art that the 
boy would grow up to be a great prince, and a most 
zealous defender of the True Faith, which is the Law 
of ‘Ali the son-in-law of Mahomed the Prophet, and 
further that Isma‘il would live to be one of the most 
famous sovereigns of Asia. ‘This prophecy, as we shall 
see later, was amply fulfilled; and in order that we may 
show this the more clearly, it will be well here to explain 
fully two matters of importance—namely, what was 
this Law of ‘Ali, and who was Isma‘il and from 
whom was he descended ? 

To explain the first point we must now go back many 
centuries of history and write concerning the times of 
the Prophet Mahomed, when matters fell out as follows. 
At the period when the Prophet had attained his 
greatest reputation among the Arabs, and had founded 

104 


MIO HA 


his false religion—the tenets of which are more in 
accordance with the bestial appetite of man than in 
conformity with divine truth or reason—he being then 
at the age of seventy-three years and feeling himself near 
to death, proceeded to make his will and testament. In 
this he devolved the succession to the governance of 
the State, giving the supreme authority in all matters of 
religion to “Ali, his son-in-law, the husband of Fátimah, 
his daughter by his first wife, and naming him to be 
Grand Caliph. But further he added this incongruity 
to others of his making, for he established “Ali, as a 
person might say, to be at one and the same time 
emperor and pontiff, otherwise king and archbishop. 
Now for his second wife Mahomed had married 
Ayishah, daughter of Abu Bakr, a man of great impor- 
tance in the state, and this Abu Bakr was much vexed 
that his son-in-law—the Prophet Mahomed—had 
not named him, Abu Bakr, to be his successor as Caliph, 
but that he should have preferred to him a youth like 
“Ali, a person, said he, of little importance and less 
experience. ‘This Abu Bakr being therefore a man 
of great wealth, and of authority in matters of war, 
and always able to accomplish all that which he thought 
the right, and further having the support of Omar 
and Othman, he, Abu Bakr, aided by these two 
men, put himself at the head of a great concourse of 
Arabs, and forthwith dispossessed ‘Ali of the govern- 
ment. Thus Abu Bakr, after the death of the Prophet, 
without a battle, became supreme Caliph, but he died 
shortly after this, whereupon Omar succeeded to the 
Caliphate, and next Othman. The two last named in 
truth paid dearly for their usurpation, for Omar (as 
has been said above) was murdered by a Persian slave, 
a miller, and Othman was killed very traitorously by a 
soldier, who it was said, but untruthfully, was urged 
to do the deed by ‘Ali. Then next in turn, and to 
avenge, as he said, the death of Othman his kinsman, 
105 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 
Mu'áwiyah had “Ali put to death, according to the 


common account given. The more true version, 
however, is that ‘Ali, having come at length to be 
Caliph after the deaths of the three Caliphs his pre- 
decessors and enemies [namely, Abu Bakr, Omar and 
Othman], was one day prompted charitably to adopt 
a foundling whom he had by chance come upon 
lying outside the door of a certain Mosque, and to 
whom he gave subsequently the name of “Abd-ar- 
Rahman Ibn Marjan.* On growing to manhood 
this wretch, in the very Mosque outside which he had 
been found as an infant by ‘Ali, stabbed his benefactor 
to death, using a dagger poisoned with the fat of a 
venomous serpent which in Persia is known as the 
Zahr-Már [or Poison-snake]. This event took place 
in the city of Kúfah, which stands on the Euphrates 
some distance to the westward of Baghdad. ‘The place 
has since been named by the Moslems Meshed “Ali, 
which is as much as to say “the Place of Martyrdom 
of “Ali,” for ‘Ali was buried there, and his shrine is now 
one of the most notable Mosques in all Asia, to which 
all Persians flock in pilgrimage to make their devotions. 
It is a place of great richness, for before ‘Ali’s tomb 
more than 2,000 gold or silver lamps burn continu- 
ally, and the Mosque is served by some 400 Sayyids 
[descendants of the Prophet], whom the Turks speak 
of as Fagihs, who are, as we should put it, the Chaplains 
of the Shrine. 

But to return to our history. The men of Kufah 
after this raised Husayn, the son of ‘Ali, to be Caliph; 
but shortly afterwards he too was murdered, with all 
his family and household, by order of the Caliph 
Yazid, the son of Mu‘awiyah. Now whether Omar 
and Othman were indeed the lawful Caliphs, or 
whether ‘Ali had of right the succession thereto, was 
matter that did beget much difference of opinion and 
was the cause of many great wars; for the Persians say 

106 


Pao SEA PELA DUDAR 


that, in conformity with the will and testament of 
Mahomed, ‘Ali was the true Caliph and the Law he 
promulgated the true law; but the Turks, who follow 
in this the doétrine taught by the Arabs, assert that the 
rightful Caliph was indeed Abu Bakr and the doétrine 
he taught the only orthodox faith. 

And now it will be well for us to give an account 
of Shaykh Haydar [the father of Shah Isma‘il, the first 
Safavi monarch of Persia, otherwise the Grand Sophi]. 
This Haydar was of the House of “Ali, of whose affairs 
we have been speaking, being a descendant of Músá 
Kazim [the Seventh Imám], who was [great-great- 
grandson”] of Husayn, the son of “Ali, by his wife 
Fátimah, the daughter of the Prophet Mahomed. 
Shaykh Haydar was on terms of intimacy with that king 
of Persian Armenia of whom we have already written 
so much, and who was called Uzun Hasan, and the 
intimacy became such that Uzun Hasan gave Haydar 
his daughter (Martha) in marriage. Haydar thus 
became his son-in-law, and by this marriage Isma‘il, his 
son, could claim descent (through his mother) from the 
former kings of Persia, while on his father’s side he 
was descended from the noble House of ‘Ali [through 
the Imáms]. Then again the mother of Shaykh 
Haydar’s wife, Martha, was indeed a Christian, being 
the daughter of the Christian Princess Despina, who 
was the wife of Uzun Hasan, aforesaid, and she was 
herself a daughter of Kalo Joannes [the last Christian | 
Emperor of Trebizond.® Whereby it follows that it 
is no idle boast for the Safavi king of Persia to claim 
_ to be a friend of the Christian potentates of Europe, 

for the half of his house and blood comes, in direct 
descent, from that most noble Christian House of the 
Greek Emperors of Constantinople. 

Having thus explained the descent of Shah Isma‘il 
I proceed, and say that when Uzun Hasan, king of 
Persia, died, his son, Sultan Ya‘qub succeeded to his 

107 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


estate. But he, as it is said, had now become ashamed 
of having for his brother-in-law a common man like 
Haydar, whom he in no wise considered as the equal 
in rank to a powerful king like himself. In con- 
sequence, Ya'qúb took counsel and compassed the 
death of Haydar, whom he slew, and would have 
compassed that of Haydar's son Isma‘il, though he 
indeed was his very own nephew, being at that time 
a boy ten years old. Isma‘il, however, managed to 
escape, and betook himself to the frontiers of Tartary, 
seeking a safe refuge in the city of Zezian, not far from 
the Caspian Sea, where he was charitably entertained by 
the king of that country, Pir ‘Ali, who caused him to 
be well educated, and later brought him up at his 
court. Here in time Isma‘il, by a hypocritical pretence 
of piety, gained the reputation of being a Saint, and so 
1t came about that the people began to reverence and 
follow after him. 

Giovanni Botero, however, relates these events 
somewhat differently in his Relationi Universal,’ 
He calls the Persian prince Uzun Hasan by the title 
of Hasan Beg,* and his son who succeeded to him he 
names Ya‘qub Beg, and goes on to explain that the true 
reason why Ya'qúb had caused his brother-in-law 
Haydar to be put to death was not because (as we have 
stated above) he, Ya‘qub, was ashamed of his connection 
by marriage with one of such low degree. And in this 
Botero appears to me to be in the right, for Haydar 
(as we have explained) through his father was de- 
scended from the noblest blood in all Arabia, and 
through his mother (the sister of Uzun Hasan) was 
connected with the kings of Armenia and the Chris- 
tian Emperors of Trebizond. Further, Haydar was 
already in possession of the lordship of the famous 
city of Ardebil, all of which is quite enough, in quality 
as in quantity, to have warranted King Uzun Hasan 
in giving him a third or even a fourth daughter in 

108 


SHAH>ISMA IL 


marriage. But the fact of the matter seems to have 
been that Haydar was all too famous as an astrologer, 
seeing that many of his prognostications had already 
come true, so that all Persia believed in his prophecies: 
hence the edge of the sword that took off his head was 
not whetted by a sense of shame, but rather by a sense 
of envy of the future greatness of his descendants. 

Botero further relates that Haydar, having two sons, 
Isma‘il and Sulayman, Sultan Ya‘qub, as soon as his 
father, Uzun Hasan, was dead, sent a message to one of 
his captains, named Mansur, to carry off both the boys 
to Zalga, a very strong fortress in the mountains, and 
this was equivalent to ordering him to put them to 
death in coldblood. But Mansur disobeyed the order, 
and, revealing the whole matter to Isma‘il, afterwards 
brought him up in his house as one of his family. 
Now I know not which of these two accounts most 
to credit, for though the first that we have mentioned 
is the story now everywhere current in Persia, the 
second account, as Botero has it, appears to me the one 
that has the more likelihood in it.® 

Whichever be the true version, it 1s a fact beyond 
doubt that Isma‘il, when he came to be nineteen years 
of age, began to preach the doctrine of the Shi‘ah faith— 
as against the tenets of the other seventy-eight sects 
into which the Moslems are divided—and being a very 
great hypocrite he boldly condemned all other beliefs 
as heresy. Then having begun with a following of 
only twelve or fourteen disciples, he soon afterwards 
found himself at the head of 300 well-armed partisans. 
At their head he made a descent into Persian territory, 
being joined there by a multitude of vagabonds and 
bandits, with whose help forthwith he stormed and 
took possession of the city of Shamakhi. All the 
distriéts of Armenia round and about now fell under 
his power, and he became the king of that country. 
Next, Sultan Ya‘qub having come out against him, 

109 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Isma‘il found means by poison forthwith to compass 
the death of Ya‘qub, and sending for his body, had it 
ublicly burnt, thus seeking to avenge the murder 
of Shaykh Haydar his father. After this became 
known the chief men in Persia began to come in to 
Isma‘il, and the princes of all the neighbouring states 
fell to regarding him much more favourably. Isma‘il 
thereupon holding that his power was now sufficient, 
set out to obtain possession of the city of Tabriz, 
which was then considered the seat of empire of him 
who would be the king of Persia. For this city was 
already so populous that it is stated to have contained 
200,000 houses, and it was in truth the capital of 
Armenia and, as it were, the metropolis of the East. 
Isma‘il marching against Tabriz, laid siege to and took 
it, but as he entered its gates his two cousins [the sons 
of the late Sultan Ya‘qub, the princes] Alvand and 
Murad at that moment managed to effec their escape. 
When Isma‘il found himself thus master of Tabriz, 
he elected to proclaim himself the Grand Sophi of 
Persia; and he took as his title to be styled Isma‘il 
Shaykh Ardebilí Qizil Bash Ithná-“ashariy,*” and what 
these names signified was as who should say, “ Great 
Isma‘il, Restorer of the cotton or woollen Cap or Turban 
of Twelve colours.” For as we have seen, the sect that 
the Persians belonged to was the Sect of “Ali, and it 
was ‘Ali who instituted this form of headgear, which 
was a bonnet or high hat made of cotton-stuff or wool, 
of a red colour. ‘This is what the words Qizil Bash 
signify, namely “ Red Head,” and it is for this, as we 
shall find later, that the Turks call the Persians the 
Qizil Bash. On the top of this red bonnet the Persians 
were wont to set twelve knots," or points, each of a 
different colour, which same is what is indicated by 
the word JIJthnd-‘ashariy, which in Arabic means 
“twelve.” The revival of the ancient custom of 
wearing such a form of headgear, which Isma‘il had 
IIo 


ODA SP El Ty 


thus inculcated among his followers, a people ever 
ardent to have novelty, made them now ready to shed 
their very heart’s blood in his service. Hence, before 
long, Isma‘il became prince and master of one of the 
greatest states, indeed one of the most potent kingdoms 
of all Asia, for he became Grand Sophi of Persia. Of 
this title the word Sophi does not mean “ wise,” as 
some erroneously instructed have said, imagining that 
it came from the Greek word Sophos, “ wisdom,” for 
it is a Persian word, and Sof (or S#f) in that tongue 
means “wool” or “cotton.” Thus Isma‘il Sophi, 
descended from “Ali, son-in-law of the Prophet 
Mahomed, proclaimed himself to be a very zealous 
missioner of that sect, abhorring the creed of the Caliphs 
Omar and Othman; but after becoming a most power- 
ful monarch, he did not live in peace, for it was he who 
inaugurated the wars which have continued down to 
our present day between the Persians and the Turks. 
After this fashion it was that the first Sophi king of 
Persia began his reign. 


1TI 


CHAPTER II 
Of the many wars that Isma‘il Sophi had to wage. 
Haropty had the great Isma‘il Sophi grasped with his 


hand the sceptre of government in the new Persian 
Empire when it became necessary to lay that sceptre 
of peace aside, and taking up the lance and the sword, 
fight valiantly against his many enemies. Those who 
at first gave him the greatest trouble were his two 
cousins Alvand and Murad Khan, who, holding many 
strong places in the Nissat mountains, lying between 
Armenia and Upper Mesopotamia, and relying on the 
inaccessibility of their country, and the great number 
of their clansmen, were constantly making raids that 
resulted in inflicting great damage on the neighbouring 
Persian lands. ‘These two princes were indeed at 
this time hoping to get back the power that they had 
possessed formerly in these districts, also intending 
if possible to extend their sway over the country lying 
beyond. Therefore, as soon as he came to hear of 
their doings Shah Isma‘il forthwith assembled a 
mighty force, and marching against them with his 
people, gained a complete victory over them, putting 
their army to the rout and killing Prince Alvand. 
Murad Khan with his remaining tribesmen passed 
down into ‘Iraq, whither Isma‘il immediately followed 
him, and again Murad suffered defeat, but again 
escaped. Isma‘il now entered into possession of 
‘Iraq, thus becoming undisputed master of the whole 
of Mesopotamia, as also of most of Azerbayjan. 

The news of these matters was in due time brought 
to the ears of the careless and peace-loving Sultan 
Bayazid II, who now began to feel the prick of envy 
at the rising fortunes of Isma‘il Sophi, fearing him 

rr 


TEKELLI 


also as a rival in empire. Many of the subject princes 
of the Turkish dominions were at this period refusing 
to pay the Sultan their proper dues, and some whom he 
had dispossessed of their governments were in open 
revolt. Further, Bayazid was troubled by the great 
power that was coming into the hands of Tekelli.* This 
man [the son of Hasan Khalifah], one of the original 
disciples of Shaykh Haydar, Isma‘il’s father, was a 
very skilful soldier and a great hypocrite in his religion, 
and he had been given the post of captain-general in 
the Persian army that was fighting for the Sophi cause. 
At the head of an immense multitude of various tribes- 
men he recently had crossed the Turkish border and 
overrun all Cilicia,” where he defeated an army com- 
manded by the two princes, the grandsons of Sultan 
Bayazid, who had been sent to oppose him. For 
lack of artillery Tekelli had been unable to take Qoniah, 
but coming suddenly upon Bayazid’s son, Prince 
Ourqud, he might easily have taken him prisoner or 
even killed him, but again contented himself with 
putting Qurqud to an ignominious flight. Tekelli 
Oizil Bash—thus the Turks called him—now passed 
forward into Bithynia, and on the banks of the river 
Sangarius encountered Qarakúsh, Beglerbeg of Ana- 
tolia, who was encamped there, being in touch with 
Prince Ahmad, Bayazid’s eldest son. This Prince 
Ahmad had under his command another great body of 
troops, and it was hoped that these two Turkish armies 
would be able to surround Tekelli and overpower 
him. He, however, getting warning of the plan, 
avoided the grip of these two armies, though not 
without some loss, for 7,000 men of his rear-guard 
were captured and put to the sword. Tekelli, how- 
ever, avenged his defeat before long, for storming 
the town of Kutahiyah, the chief city of Galatia, to 
which Qarakúsh had retired for'a season of repose, 
Tekelli took him prisoner, sacked the town, and then 
113 I 


DON “JUAN OF (PERGis 


marched off without meeting with any hindrance from 
the other forces of the enemy. 

It was Tekelli’s intention next to capture Brusa, the 
chief town of Bithynia, but having news that [the 
Grand Vizier Khádim] ‘Ali Pasha from European 
Turkey, with Qurgud the Sanjaq in command of 
Oastamuniyah and Prince Ahmad were on his heels 
with a very great army, well appointed and disciplined, 
such indeed as Sultan Bayazid had not before had at 
command, Tekelli prudently turned aside and escaped 
into the open country. By craft disguising his line of 
march, he carried off his troops swiftly by devious ways, 
and always as much as might be avoided any engage- 
ment with the enemy. In this, however, he was not 
entirely successful, for ‘Ali Pasha closely following him, 
at last came up and slew a number of his men. Tekelli 
was much enraged at being thus caught, and unable 
by craft to escape him, proceeded to vent his wrath on 
the unfortunate Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Qarakúsh, his 
prisoner, whom he caused to be impaled publicly, 
and in full sight of the Turkish camp and army. “Ali 
Pasha, however, undeterred, pressed on, harassing and 
closely following after him; and leaving Prince Ahmad 
behind with the infantry, he pursued rapidly with his 
cavalry. Advancing at the head of a body of 8,000 
horse, he finally came up with Tekelli in mount Oliga 
close to Angora, which of old was called Ancyra. 
Tekelli, however, managed to repulse the “Turkish 
attack, making great use of his mounted arquebusiers, 
for the Persian cavalry are armed with this weapon, 
and “Ali Pasha, who was exposing himself in the battle 
front, fell mortally wounded. ‘The Persians were of 
course greatly elated by this success, but Prince 
Ahmad coming up suddenly with the remainder of 
the Turkish force, compelled them once more to 
retreat. Passing over mount Oliga, the Persian army 
crossed the river Halys, retiring on Tassia, where 


114 


AL LANAS E NM 


Yúnus Pasha, general of the troops from European 
Turkey, caught them up, forcing Tekelli to take refuge 
finally in Little Armenia, where he found Shah Isma‘il 
encamped at the head of the main body of his army. 

Here Tekelli took some rest for a while, content with 
the glory that he had gained, for indeed he had put 
all the Asiatic provinces of the Turkish Empire in great 
straits, so that there was hardly a city of Anatolia that 
he had not captured, or at least plundered, his men 
appearing in force at their gates with his kettle-drums. 
Indeed it is said that at one time, having crossed over 
the Straits he, Tekelli, came to be so near to Con- 
stantinople that one morning, riding up to the outer- 
most wall he broke the locks on the city gate. After 
this Shah Isma‘il marched out from Lesser Armenia 
to oppose Prince ‘Alem, Bayazid’s second son, who 
had advanced to threaten the Persian frontier, but 
though the two armies on more than one occasion came 
face to face and in battle array, no engagement of 
importance ensued. 

It was at this time that Selim, the son of Bayazid, 
in Constantinople took possession of the throne by 
means most foul and by a most tyrannical conduct. 
For he had compassed the death of his father, Bayazid, 
by effect of a poison draught. ‘This is their inhuman 
custom in the House of Ottoman, where he who 
succeeds to the throne must put to death all his 
brothers, nay, even his own father, lest any of the blood- 
royal should live and attempt to oppose his succession. 
Among the brothers of Sultan Selim, however, there 
was one who had escaped arrest and the death sentence. 
This was Prince Amurath or Murad, who fled, seeking 
shelter with the Sophi, the great enemy of his family 
and people; for it is the proud boast of the monarchs 
of the royal house of Persia to show charity to all 
princes who may seek their amity and friendship. 
Isma‘il Sophi therefore not only gave Prince Murad 


115 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


a kindly reception, but far from treating him as an 
enemy showed himself to be his sincere friend, nay, 
indeed a relation, granting him one of his daughters 
in marriage. Afterwards giving him 30,000 horsemen, 
he despatched him to take possession of the province 
of Qaramán, which Prince Murád asserted was his 
appanage, left him by his father, Bayazid, in his will. 
When Sultan Selim heard of these happenings he was 
much vexed in mind, and every day chafed the more 
at the doings of those whom the Sophi was befriending. 
He promulgated an ordinance that none of his people 
should have commerce with the subjeéts of Sháh 
Isma‘il, threatening most heavy punishment to any who 
disobeyed, and anathematizing the Shi‘ah religion and 
the Sect of “Ali, which he declared to be rankly heretical. 
Next he began to colleét his troops, both those from 
Europe and from Asia Minor, forming a great army 
which came to number 200,000 men, Khayr-ad-Din 
Pasha being appointed to the chief command. 

Sultan Selim himself next declared it to be his 
intention personally to take part in the campaign, and 
though many of his Pashas tried to dissuade him, as 
the season was then in the depth of winter, such was 
the impatience of his anger that nothing could restrain 
him. ‘The Sultan therefore set out at the head of the 
army, marching into Great Armenia, and attempted 
to pass across the Taurus mountains, where, to his 
annoyance, the snows now greatly delayed his advance. 
Here he found that the Persians had already burnt, or 
destroyed, all the crops of this countryside, so that the 
Turkish army could gain no booty or profit. Selim 
now approached the lands of *Alá-ad-Dawlah* in that 
part of Cappadocia which is of Armenia, demanding 
of him that he should give the Turks free passage 
through the territories he governed, through these same 
it being the most direct and the safest road for Sultan 
Selim to follow. ‘Ald-ad-Dawlah, however, feared 

116 


‘ALA-AD-DAWLAH 


that on the morrow Selim would be going back home 
again to Constantinople, and that he, “Alá-ad-Dawlah, 
would then find himself left in the lurch, unprotected 
and declared a traitor both by Shah Isma‘il and his 
friends the neighbouring princes of Armenia. He 
therefore made up his mind to refuse the demand of 
Sultan Selim, but proffering many excuses, and giving 
him good words in the room of good deeds. Selim 
was much disgusted at his refusal, and astonished to 
find that he was by far less respected and feared in 
these parts than he had imagined. What anger he felt, 
however, perforce he did not show, though he swore to 
himself that he would later on wreak his vengeance on 
the Armenian prince. Then turning off to the left 
hand (north-east) along the Western Euphrates, he 
marched to the Leprus mountains; but on the way 
thither he had to abandon much of his baggage, muni- 
tions and stores; also some regiments of his infantry 
who had remained behind lost in the snows of that 
desolate country. Finally coming down to the banks 
of the Araxes, he crossed that great river which forms 
the boundary here of Armenia jat a point to the north 
and| near Khoy, which of old was the city called 
Artaxata, now finally coming in sight of the Persian 
camp and army. 

It was here that Sultan Selim learnt how his brother,* 
Prince Murád, already become the son-in-law of the 
Sophi, was present with the Persians, and that he had 
been previously stirring up all Asia Minor against the 
Sultan; further that he, Murád, was much in the 
counsels of Shah Isma‘il’s general-in-chief, who was 
called Ustad Oghlú,? a very valiant soldier, and that 
the Persian army was Stationary, awaiting the arrival 
of Isma‘il before offering battle to the Turks. With 
much guile and many gifts to the Persian commander, 
the Sultan now tried to get his brother Murad delivered 
over to him, but this was not to be; and very shortly 


117 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


afterwards Shah Isma‘il appeared with the bulk of his 
troops to join forces with those of the vanguard 
commanded by Prince Murád. Thus the opposing 
armies now found themselves face to face in battle 
array, and on the 26th of August of the year 1514, the 
signal to attack being given the great battle began in 
the plain of Chaldirán.? The Persians numbered 
300,000 cavalry, not counting infantry, and Sultan 
Selim had on his side so numerous an army, that it 
would appear fabulous to mention their number, were 
it not that, but a few years ago, there were many old 
men Still living in Isfahan who bore witness to the 
fact, and would affirm, that Sultan Selim had under 
his command at Chaldirán 400,000 horsemen and 
800,000 foot soldiers. First came the skirmishing, 
and then the real battle followed, lasting all day, and at 
nightfall the Persians had fought their way almost 
to the presence of Sultan Selim, and would indeed 
have taken him prisoner had his good fortune not well 
served him. The valour of Qasim Pasha, Beglerbeg 
of [Roumelia]’ the Greek Province, however, fighting 
with a great loss of men saved his master’s life, and 
turned the tide of battle, for Ustad Oghlú having at 
this juncture been killed by a shot from an arquebus, 
the Persians now began to give way. Of the Turks 
the renegade Sinan Pasha of Epirus was indeed 
completely routed, for the Janissaries had failed in 
their duty, which had been to attack and rout the body- 
guard of the Sophi, but Shah Isma‘il on this occasion 
had received a wound in the shoulder, and this was 
the prime cause that victory finally declared itself for 
Sultan Selim. 

The booty of which the Turks came into possession 
was so immense that afterwards for many a day they 
were rich men, but the victory proved no cheap one to 
Sultan Selim, for of his cavalry alone he lost 30,000 
horse. Isma‘il Sophi, retiring slowly, passed through 
118 


MAD RIEL" IAE N 


Tabriz, and let it be known that for the moment the 
townspeople must be left to submit to the Turk, as 
he, the Shah, was unable to remain longer and defend 
the city. In company with his son-in-law, Prince 
Murad, he retired into the eastern provinces of Persia, 
and set himself to gather together reinforcements 
for his army. Sultan Selim felt much grief at the 
loss of Qasim Pasha, who died a few days after the 
battle of his wounds and contusions. The Sultan 
next distributed seven Sanjaq-banners to new com- 
manders, thus replacing those chiefs who had been 
killed in the battle, and he then marched with his 
army back to Khoy, which city capitulated on peace 
terms. Peace terms also were granted to Tabriz, 
but hardly had the Turks come into possession of the 
city when they were forced hurriedly to evacuate it 
again, for news came to them that Shah Isma‘il was 
advancing against them with double the number of his 
former force. ‘The retreat of the Turkish army was 
precipitate, and before long they found themselves on 
the banks of the Euphrates with Isma‘il at their heels. 
Here an immense number of Turks at the passage of 
the river lost their lives, being drowned for lack of 
boats to carry them across. However, for no cause 
that is known, Shah Isma‘il immediately after this 
had to retreat, and Sultan Selim found himself free 
from his pursuit. The Sultan now calling to mind 
the insult, or at least the lack of respect paid him, 
as narrated on the former occasion, by Prince *Alá-ad- 
Dawlah, on this his homeward march invaded these 
lands, and though “Alá-ad-Dawlah himself managed 
to escape to the mountains, the Turks in their passage 
laid waste all the unfortified townships of that diStriét. 
Then Sultan Selim marched back to Trebizond, send- 
ing the troops to their homes, while he himself went on 
to the city of Amasiyah to await the beginning of the 
new year. 


119 


CHAPTER III 


In which is continued the account of the wars between Shah Isma‘il and 
Sultan Selim. 


Wiru the year 1515 which now began, Sultan Selim 
- was not unmindful of the annoyance still caused him 
by his brother Prince Murad, and the support to his 
pretensions given by Shah Isma‘il. Further, on another 
distant quarter he was now threatened by a neighbour- 
ing power, for the Mamlúk Sultan of Egypt was 
mustering his forces [on the Syrian frontiers of Ana- 
tolia]. In the depth of the winter season, undeterred 
by the snow and the cold, Sultan Selim now gave the 
call to arms, and set out to invade the districts of 
Armenia. It was his intention this time, in the first 
place, to punish and ruin *Alá-ad-Dawlah for his aéts 
of opposition, but the latter having news of what Selim 
intended, fled, betaking himself to the strongholds of 
the Antitaurus mountains. Now ‘Alé-ad-Dawlah had 
a relative whose name was Sháh-Suvár-Oghlú,* and 
“Alá-ad-Dawlah had put this man’s father to death: 
he therefore, taking occasion of the coming of Sultan 
Selim to avenge his wrongs, declared himself as of the 
Turk party, and offered to guide their troops through 
the secret defiles of that mountainous province. 

No sooner had “Al4-ad-Dawlah heard of this treachery 
than, descending from the mountain fastnesses with 
15,000 horsemen, he sought to come on the Turkish 
army unawares, but his attack failed, and incontinently 
falling into Sultan Selim’s hands, he forthwith paid the 
forfeit of this and last year’s deeds, in that Selim 
caused him to be strangled. The Sultan then made 
Shah Suvar governor of that region, with a very moderate 
tribute to pay. Immediately afterwards, for no cause 

120 


SUMAN SL LM 


that is known, Selim commanded his army hurriedly 
to retreat, and the Sultan returned home to Constanti- 
nople. Some indeed state that the cause of this 
sudden departure was a mutiny among the Janissaries, 
but this is hardly a reason for so precipitate a change of 
plan, and the true cause is unknown. 

In the year 1516 Selim, finding that the princes of 
Christendom were all engaged in wars amongst them- 
selves, one against the other, as is ever a matter deeply 
to be deplored, set out once more for Asia Minor, 
leaving his son Sulayman in Adrianople, with full 
powers to carry on the home government. In Ana- 
tolia Selim appointed Chersi-Oghlú, the Sclavonian 
renegade, to be his lieutenant-governor, while as 
captain-general of his armies the Sultan named Ja‘far, 
the Hungarian renegade, and then Started on his 
campaign, more than ever desirous of abasing the 
power of the Sophi of Persia. News of Selim’s inten- 
tions was brought to Shah Isma‘il, and he being 
desirous on his side to make allies, now despatched 
an embassy to obtain the support and good will of 
Oansth Ghuri? the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt. Shah 
Isma‘il at the same time gave support to certain home 
rebels against Sultan Selim, and next made an un- 
expected incursion at the head of a great army into 
[Circasia and Georgia] the countries on the borders 
of the Caspian Sea not far from Baki. In Egypt at 
about this date, Sultan Qánsúh Ghuri, wishing to make 
clear that he was now the declared enemy of Sultan 
Selim and the staunch friend of Isma‘il Sophi, called 
under arms 14,000 of his Slave-guard, and a like 
number of his Mamluk cavalry, and set out from 
Cairo to march up into Syria. He had sent word 
previously to Khayr Beg, a brave warrior in his service 
- [who was in command at Aleppo*], to assemble there 
a considerable body of [Syrian] troops, and he now 
effected a junction of forces with him [outside Aleppo}. 

rat 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Here suddenly he came-in view of Sinán Pasha, who 
had recently arrived in those parts at the head of the 
main body of the Turkish army, and the opponents 
found themselves face to face. Janberdi Ghazzáli,* 
who commanded the army of the Egyptian Sultan, 
began the attack, charging at the head of the Mamlúks, 
but Sultan Selim now coming up with the Turkish 
rear-guard, fell on him in flank, for the Sultan had 
just marched across the Amarus mountain, which is 
over against Aleppo—the same is the ancient Antioch. 
The Turks fought valiantly, making great use of their 
artillery, which Selim had caused to be carried over 
the mountain pass on the backs of his men. They com- 
pletely overthrew the Egyptians, and Sultan Qansth 
did not escape, for he was trampled to death, falling 
off his horse under the hoofs of the cavalry as they 
charged, he being at that time in his seventy-seventh 
year. This great victory of the Turks, however, was 
in part due to the treachery of Khayr Beg, who abstained 
from the battle, and shortly afterwards came over to 
the side of Sultan Selim, abandoning his old master, 
being tempted by the promise of emoluments from the 
Stranger, who forsooth did well afterwards to regard 
this treachery askance. Now all this time Isma‘il 
Sophi was on the alert, watching events, but noting 
that Sultan Selim had been so successful in overthrow- 
ing the Mamluks and conquering the Egyptians, he 
abstained from interference, and left these, his allies, 
to their fate, though indeed it was he who had been 
the prime instigator of their war against the Turks. 

Selim took possession of Aleppo immediately after 
the battle, Ghazzali having fled to Damascus, and many 
towns in various parts of Syria thereupon capitulated, 
peaceably receiving the Turks. In Egypt Túmán 
Bey became Sultan, but he in vain sent to Rhodes to 
beg a loan of artillery [from the Knights of St. John’ ]. 
Sinán Pasha, meanwhile marching on with 15,000 

122 


TUMAN BEY 


horse, again attacked the Egyptians and captured the 
city of Gaza from Túmán Bey, while Ghazzali (leaving 
Damascus) and escaping the Turks, reached Cairo 
with 6,000 Mamlúks who were of his following. 
Túmán Bey, still relying on the promise [given to 
Oansuh, his predecessor, by Shah Isma‘il], had sent 
urgently to him demanding succour, but for an un- 
known reason all help in his need was now refused 
him. Sultan Selim, having made junction with Sinan 
Pasha, marched south, coming to the borders of Egypt 
and not far from Matariyah® came up with the enemy, 
and utterly routed the new Sultan of Egypt. Túmán 
Bey, constrained to flight, sought shelter in Cairo, but 
was followed thither by Sultan Selim, who, penetrating 
into the city, there ensued during two days much 
hard fighting in all its Streets. '“Túmán Bey in the end 
was again vanquished, and once more fled, going along 
the coast of North Africa till he came to the city of 
Secusa. Here the emissaries of Sultan Selim dis- 
covered him in hiding half-drowned in a lagoon of these - 
parts, and taking him prisoner, brought him back to 
Cairo. Selim then gave orders that Túmán Bey should 
be impaled [at the city gate], and so died the last of the 
Mamlúk Sultans of Egypt. 

¿ Thus Grand Cairo, which had been founded in the 
year 979 by Jawhar [the Eunuch prime minister of 
the Fatimite Caliph Mu’izz], was conquered by Sultan 
Selim in the year 1517. Ghazzali, with some Egyp- 
tian troops at his back, now returned from the Thebaid 
intending aid to Tumdan Bey, but finding all to be 
lost, gave in his submission to the victorious Selim. 
‘There are many who say that Ghazzali was a traitor, 
and that he went over to Sultan Selim before the death 
of Túmán Bey, his own Sultan, but what is here stated 
seems the more reliable account. Sultan Selim 
appointed Khayr Beg to be the Beglerbeg of Egypt, 
and Ghazzali to be once again, but in his name, the 

123 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


governor of Damascus, and the Sultan sent his son-in- 
law, Farhád Pasha, with 40,000 cavalry to guard the 
Turkish frontier on the east against any possible 
attack from Isma‘il Sophi. Sultan Selim, finding that 
the frontiers of his European dominions against the 
Christians were Still at peace, now betook himself to 
colleéting a great armada of ships, but for what enter- 
prise none knew,’ but in the very midst of these great 
warlike preparations of a novel kind, and while the 
princes of Europe and Asia were kept in suspense as 
to his ultimate intentions, Sultan Selim suddenly died 
at a place called Chorlu,® in September of the year 
1591. Then ata date some three or four years later— 
namely, about the year 1522, or maybe 1524°—Isma‘il 
Sophi, at the age of fifty-four, likewise passed away, 
and thus those two who had been rivals for sovereignty 
in life, came to the end of their respective careers almost 
at one and the same time. 

Shah Isma‘il left four sons: the eldest, who suc- 
ceeded him on the throne, was Shah Tahmasp; the 
second, who held the principality of Mesopotamia, was 
Algás; the third, Bahram, was the governor of the 
province of Azerbayjan; while the fourth was Sam 
Mirza, to whom Persian ‘Iraq was given. We now 
come to the year 1520, and remark that in this, same 
year, when the Emperor Charles V was being crowned 
at Aix-la-Chapelle, Sultan Sulayman, the son of Selim, 
was also crowned in Constantinople. Of matters 
that concern our purpose, however, nothing was done 
by Sultan Sulayman until we come to the year 1534. 
At this date, urged thereto by Ibrahim Pasha, his 
most powerful minister, Sultan Sulayman, collecting 
a fairly large army, passed through Asia Minor, and 
guided by one Vlaman,'” who was a traitor fleeing from 
Shah Tahmásp, the Sultan marched on and suddenly 
appeared in force before the walls of ‘Tabriz. At this 
juncture Shah Tahmasp found himself unable to 

| 124 


DTABRIZ BURNT 


defend the city against the Turkish army; he therefore 
retired at the head of his army into the inner lands 
of Persia, the Sultan in vain seeking to lure him out into 
the open to meet him in battle. Sultan Sulaymán 
therefore marched on down into ‘Iraq, and had himself 
crowned Emperor of Mesopotamia at the hands of 
the [Grand Mufti] of Baghdad." The pomp of the 
coronation having been brought to its close, Sultan 
Sulayman returned to the neighbourhood of Tabriz, 
and wrathful at not being able to come up with Shah 
Tahmásp, and so match him in a pitched battle, 
the Sultan in revenge set the city of Tabriz on fire, 
and leaving it to burn, began his march back into his 
own country. 

The lamentable state of Tabriz was a horror that 
affeéted both the eyes and the ears of Shah Tahmasp, 
who in sorrow and shame was witness of the slaughter 
of his people, and heard of the sufferings of his friends 
and of some even of his relatives, following on his 
forced retirement. He now assembled all the troops 
he could command, and returning back to Tabriz in 
haste with his new army, was most sorrowful at the 
lamentable sight he there saw. He then marched on 
to rejoin those of his people who were awaiting his 
coming in the Rimak mountains, and from there, at 
the head of a considerable force, proceeded forward 
to the river Qoyún Chay. From this place he sent on 
one of his captains, named Deli Muhammad,” with 
orders to make a night attack on the rear-guard of the 
Turks. Falling on the stragglers of Sulaymán's 
army that same night, which was the 13th October, 
Deli Muhammad took them by surprise in the darkness, 
when an immense number of the enemy were put to 
the sword. In this way “Tahmásp took vengeance for 
the insults suffered by him in the matter of Tabriz, 
and not a man of the enemy who fell into his hands 
was spared. With his own hands he decapitated a 

12.5 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


number of the Beglerbegs, and other men of count 
among the Turkish officers. Of the enemy’s cavalry 
more than 40,000 had been slain in the battle, and of 
the infantry above 70,000. 

This indeed was one of the greatest and most 
signal defeats that the House of Ottoman ever suffered 
at the hands of the Grand Sophi; so disastrous in 
truth was it that Sultan Sulayman was driven to offer 
to make an armistice with the Persian king. Then Shah 
Tahmásp, being at liberty, took the occasion to chastise 
some of the more rebellious of his subjects, after the 
fashion which we shall now relate. Matters having 
been settled to his satisfaction in Anatolia, Tahmasp 
returned home to Persia, and of our authorities some 
tell a Strange Story, which for being almost laughable 
I here set down. No sooner did Shah Tahmásp find 
himself quit of Sultan Sulayman at Qoyún Chay than, 
turning back with his army, he marched down into 
‘Iraq to settle matters with the rebels in Baghdad. 
Here he burnt down a great part of the city, and the 
[Grand Mufti], who, as above related, had so recently 
crowned Sulayman emperor, having come to die a 
few days before this time, Shah Tahmásp caused his 
body to be dug up, and a dog’s body to be buried in its 
place. I do confess, however, not to understand how 
they were able to make peace together—namely, the 
Shah and the Sultan—with doings such as these taking 
place between them. 

Sultan Sulayman now seeing that in Asia Minor he 
was no longer attacked by the Persians, turned his 
eyes to Europe, as against the Christian princes, and 
proceeded to make war in Hungary. But here, when 
on the point of taking by storm the fortress of Szigeth, 
and in fact exactly ten days before the place fell to 
his arms, the Sultan suddenly died: according to one 
account, from rage at having been frustrated in an 
attempt to capture the neighbouring city of Erlau. 

126 


AN SOL” 


Sulaymán had been Sultan forty-six years, and he was 
succeeded by his son Selim II [surnamed “ the Sot ”], 
who during the first years of his reign was engaged 
in wars of very small import against the Venetians, 
though at one time he succeeded in infliéting on them 
the disaster and defeat at sea off the island of Negropont 
that is so famous. After this, Selim II gathered 
together an immense armada to invade the West, but 
this time his forces were overcome and put to complete 
rout [at the battle of Lepanto] by Don John of Austria, 
half brother of his Catholic Majesty the late King 
Don Philip II. 


127 


CHAPTER IV 


Of the great happenings which took place in Persia between the sons 
of Tahmasp, and of the wars of the Persians againsi Sultan 
Murád III. 


AN armistice, as already said, had been concluded 
between Sháh “Tahmásp and Sulayman, the first Sultan 
of that name and the eleventh Ottoman emperor, 
after Tahmásp had driven the Turkish armies out of 
Tabriz—which city of old time had been known under 
the name of Ecbatana. Tahmásp, although he had 
suffered horror and distress on account of the sack of 
Tabriz by the Turks, did not recriminate on this 
matter, and the negotiations for the peace treaty took 
their course, of which one item was that the fortress 
of Qars, as the Turks call it, or Qaisari, as it is 
otherwise named,’ should be dismantled by the Turks 
of all its fortifications, and delivered up by them to 
the Persians, in whose hands it should remain, but 
unfortified. ‘The wars between the Persian monarchs 
and the Turk having thus been composed, soon after 
this [in 1566] Sultan Sulayman died, and likewise his 
son, Sultan Selim II [“the Sot,” in 1574], who had 
succeeded him on the throne, but who had accomplished 
nothing of any moment. Next, on the 11th of May 
in the year 1576, Shah Tahmásp from the infirmities of 
age also died, leaving eleven sons and daughters. 

The eldest son was named Muhammad Khuda 
Bandah, and he at one time had resided as governor 
at Herat—of old called Aria—but later by his father’s 
orders he had gone to live at a place called liras, which 
is not Shiraz, as Minadoi incorreétly states,” this last 
being in truth the ancient Persepolis. ‘The second 
son, Isma‘il, was at this time kept prisoner at the castle 

128 


Peon E TS MEAT TL 


of Qahqahah, which lies between Qazvin—the ancient 
Arsacia—and ‘Tabriz, being 150 leagues from the 
former city and 30 from the latter, but at some distance 
to the northward in the direction of Erivan. Now his 
father, Sháh Tahmásp, had for some time past kept 
Prince Isma‘il shut up there, having come to note in 
him a certain marked disquietude of disposition, and 
a tendency towards rebellion, attributable to the 
overweening ambition of the arrogant youth, and the 
old king being a prudent parent, kept him thus 
sequestrated; but the death of the Sháh now delivered 
the prince from this paternal guardianship. The third 
son was called Sultan Haydar Mirzá,? and of him his 
mother's relations had charge, among whom were 
reckoned “Isá Khán* and the Eunuch Akhtah Husayn, 
with a man named Pir Muhammad. The fourth son 
bore the name of Sultan Mustafá, and his mother had 
been a Christian princess from Georgia. The next 
three boys were Sultan “Ali Mirzá, the fifth son, the 
sixth Bahram Mirza, and the seventh Ibrahim Mirza: 
but these four last named were all at this date under 
age. There were also three daughters, but two of 
them so young that it were needless to take these into 
account, and all were by different mothers. But one 
daughter we have need here to mention by name, 
Pari-Khan-Khanum, the eldest of the sisters, for she 
was of age, also capable and ambitious, as we shall 
soon see. 

Prince Muhammad Khuda-Bandah had always 
suffered from an affection of the eyes which partially 
or at times totally prevented him from seeing, and 
this defeét of sight rendered him almost incapable of 
dealing with the affairs of government in provinces 
and among a people so prone to rebellion as are the 
Persians; and further it was common knowledge that 
all matters of state and government were foreign and 
distasteful to him. Now, seeing this condition of 

129 K 


DON > JUAN OF" PRES tee 


things his father, the old king Shah Tahmásp, had been 
urged and even forced by his Khans and the nobles 
of his kingdom—though much against his will, seeing 
the light in which he regarded the character of his 
second son Isma‘il—to appoint this same Isma‘il in 
his will and testament to succeed to the throne, thus — 
putting him in the place of his elder brother, Muham- : 
mad Khudá-Bandah. ‘This, of course, was not to act 
in accordance with precedent and Persian custom, but 
Tahmásp was obliged thereto by the faét of Muhammad 
Khudá-Bandah's blindness, and what appeared to be 
his incapacity to cope with the exigencies of kingship 
in a country where the prince or governor has in very 
truth need, not only of two eyes, but indeed of as 
many eyes to see with as in antiquity had been attri- 
buted to Argus. In accordance with the testamentary 
dispositions of Shah Tahmasp, therefore, the Khans 
and nobles after the king’s death despatched word 
to Isma‘il to repair immediately to Qazvin, the capital, 
but before he could arrive, his half-sister, the Princess 
Pari-Khan-Khanum already referred to above—and 
her name in Persian means” [the Lady of the Fairy- 
Khán, she being own] sister of Mustafá Mirzá—now 
persuaded the Kháns and nobles to revoke the testa- 
ment of her father the old king, or rather to suspend it. 

This she did at the instance of her uncle, Sham- 
khál Khan,° a Georgian noble, he being her mother’s 
brother and a Christian, and the Princess persuaded the 
conspirators to set up her half-brother, Haydar Mirzá, 
to be king in the seat of his father, Sháh Tahmásp. 
Another account of the matter, however, asserts that 
the Princess was not the author of this conspiracy, and 
on the contrary that she laboured to bring about the 
accession of Isma'il in accordance with her father’s 
testament: but she having discovered that a conspiracy 
was being formed against Isma‘il and in favour of 
Haydar Mirza, dissembled, hiding what was her true 

130 


PARI-KHAN-KHANUM 


intent, the better to unmask the projects of the rebels. 
Later, seeing how impossible it was for Isma‘il to arrive 
in Qazvin before the lapse of several days, she had 
then perforce to show an appearance of approval to 
Haydar being crowned king. Haydar, however, 
no sooner thus found himself almost against his will 
seated on the throne, than his heart failed him, and in 
fear of the consequences promptly fled to hide himself in 
the Palace, seeking shelter in the women’s apartments, 
which to the Turks are known as the Saray, while 
the Persians call them the Haram. But here Shamkhal 
Khan’ with a number of those nobles who were parti- 
sans of Isma‘il followed after, and coming up with 
Haydar slew him with their daggers. Thus the 
tumults and insurrections that had already begun with 
the sudden novelty of Haydar’s coronation as king, were 
as suddenly appeased. 

A few days after the death of Haydar Isma‘il arrived 
at the royal court and city of Qazvin, and his coming 
was a matter of very great satisfaction, in which all 
parties concurred. Isma‘il indeed, for some con- 
siderable time after he had been crowned as Shah, made 
a pretence of good conduct and affability of demeanour, 
which clearly proved the violence of perturbation that 
his mind suffered; but no sooner was he firmly estab- 
lished as master than, abandoning the good custom 
of the royal family of the Sophis, and of the Persian 
kings his forefathers, he proceeded [after the evil 
manner of the Ottoman Sultans] to bring to death most 
of his younger brothers, and further gave orders for 
the prompt execution of all those Khans and nobles 
of whom he had knowledge that they had taken any 
part in the coronation of Haydar. Shah Isma‘il in his 
foolhardy arrogance did not, however, content himself 
with these cruel acts alone, but now proclaimed it his 
intention to abandon the Shi‘ah Seét of ‘Ali, which 
is the Persian form of faith and the religion instituted 


171 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


by the Sophi monarchs, as has been clearly explained 
in a former chapter when speaking of the rise and origin 
of the Sophi dynasty. Shah Isma‘il it appeared now 
would fain follow the Turkish Sect of the Sunnis, 
honouring Abu Bakr, Omar, Othman and the other 
so-called orthodox Caliphs, a proceeding which, had 
he shown signs of so doing before he had been 
recognized as king, would infallibly have caused him to 
be torn in pieces by the Persians. While thus making 
public his foolish intention of a change in religion, he 
further proclaimed that he also proposed to betake 
himself incontinently to Baghdad in ‘Iraq, in order there 
to be crowned emperor, even as Sultan Sulayman and 
the other Turkish sovereigns had been wont to do, 
at the hands of [the Grand Mufti. lP 

All these proceedings being public, and perfeétly 
understood by his sister Pari-Khán-Khánum and the 
Persian nobles, they coming together forthwith made 
a conspiracy to compass his death, and certain nobles 
disguised in female apparel having one night entered 
the Haram, or women's apartment of the Palace, 
slew Isma‘il—just as of old the Senators slew Julius 
Cesar —the date of his death being the 24th of 
November of the year 1577.° After this, by agreement 
among the nobles who had done this deed, Isma‘il’s 
half-sister, the Princess Pari-Khan-Khanum, was in- 
vested with the government until such time as it 
should become patent which of the late king’s brothers 
was to succeed to the throne of Persia.* 

Of the nobles one, Amir Khan by name, at this time 
was about to marry a sister of Pari-Khan-Khanum, who 
professed herself in love with him, and this had so 
turned his head with vanity that he imagined am- 
bitiously that thereby he might become the next 
Shah of Persia. On the other hand, Mirzá Salman," 
one of the chief nobles of the Persian court, wished 
to raise Isma‘il’s elder brother, Muhammad Khudá- 

132 


SULTAN MURAD III 


Bandah, to the throne, or, failing him, his eldest son 
the Prince Hamzah Mirza, who, it was proposed, then 
should marry one of the daughters of Mirza Salman, 
the noble aforesaid. Men of another party in the 
state were in favour of bringing 'Abbás Mirza, a 
younger brother of Hamzah Mirza, back from Herat, 
where he was governor, in order to set him on the 
vacant throne; while a third candidate some put forward 
was Prince Tahmasp [a yet younger brother of ‘Abbas 
Mirza]. Thus during seven years, seven months 
and seven days this confusion continued to last in the 
government, pretenders one after the other being set 
up and deposed, and suffering death after occupying 
the throne for some short space of time. 

Sultan Murád III, who had recently [namely, in 
1574] succeeded to the government in the room of 
his father, Selim II, “the Sot,” son of Sulayman, the 
Magnificent, was now ambitious, after becoming 
possessed of Mesopotamia, to conquer in addition 
all Western Asia. And his intention was more espe- 
cially to invade the kingdoms of Persia and of Georgia, 
which is there known as Gurgistán, and further to add 
thereto all the Asiatic provinces adjacent, which at 
that time obeyed the rule of the Muscovite Duke of 
Moscow. For all these provinces, as we shall see, 
now remained open and unguarded, being no longer 
protected by the terror which the name of the great 
Shah Tahmasp had inspired in the hearts of the Turks. 
Sultan Murad therefore, taking occasion of the con- 
fusion rampant throughout Persia from the civil wars, 
and after much consultation, appointed Mustafa 
Pasha general-in-chief of the army that was to effect 
this invasion, ‘Then forthwith he sent word to the 
Pashas of Van, Erzerúm and Greater Armenia, which 
all lie on the borders of Cappadocia, as also to the 
governor of ‘Iraq, that all of them together should, 
by continued incursions, ravage the towns and castles 


133 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


across their respective frontiers, which belonged to 
the lands of the Qizil Bash (Red Heads)—for, as we 
have said, so do the Turks call the Persians—and 
thus inaugurate the new invasion by petty conquests. 
An account of recent events and the changes that had 
taken place in Constantinople had been brought to the 
new king, Muhammad Khuda-Bandah, who was by 
now established on the Persian throne, and at the same 
time the news came that the Turkish army under 
orders from Sultan Murad was already marching on 
Azerbayjan and Georgia. 

Muhammad Sháh's surname of Khudá-Bandah was 
assumed by him because he knew himself to be the 
“ Servant of God,” and His true envoy, who had been 
preserved alive, as by a special miracle, after the death 
of his younger brothers, in order that he might rule the 
kingdom, and this name certainly was not given him 
because he was blind, as Thomas Minado1” erroneously 
asserts, he, Minadoi, being ignorant of the true etymo- 
logical meaning of words in the Persian language. 
Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, therefore, as we may now 
state, had peacefully entered into possession of his 
kingdom of Persia, having as deputy in the government 
his eldest son, Hamzah Mirza, who was of such capable 
intelligence that, though his father was blind, this 
defect of eyesight was made up for by the extraordinary 
ability of the Prince, to whom, though an unbeliever 
as regards the True Faith, God had granted a very 
acute understanding and a ripe judgment. 

Further, it was that noble already referred to, Mirza 
Salman, who had by his judicious administration 
brought about a state of peace throughout the king- 
dom, and the acknowledgment by the Persian people 
of Muhammad Khudá-Bandah as their rightful king. 
Mirza Salman indeed had effected all this, although 
he was by birth and position but a small man amongst 
the other nobles of Persia, yet in matters of government 


134 


MIRZA SALMAN 


he had shown the greatness of his capacity. He too 
had been the prime mover*” to bring it about that the 
wicked Princess Pari-Khan-Khanum, who, as we have 
said, had lured her brother Shah Isma'íl to his death, 
herself was now condemned to be beheaded. Indeed, 
at the gates of Qazvin they had displayed her head, 
all bloody and dishevelled, Stuck on a lance point, 
thus exposed to public view, a sight very sad and horrid, 
for in truth she was a king’s daughter, and the sister 
of the reigning king, though a woman most culpable. 
After this act of justice, Muhammad Khudá-Bandah 
remained for the moment in undisturbed possession 
of the kingdom, his son Hamzah Mirzá governing in 
his name, though this time of peace and rest for both 
was indeed but short, as almost immediately thereafter 
the army of the Turks approached, coming in invasion 
upon them. 


355 


CHAPI: 


In which the war between Sultan Murád III and Shah Muhammad 
Khudd-Bandah is recounted, with a description of Georgia and its 
rulers. 


Mustard Pasma let the winter go by, and when the 
season bettered he put in force the powers given him 
as general-in-chief of the Turkish army, ordering the 
troops to set out on their march from Erzerúm, where 
they had previously been assembled. ‘Taking the 
direét road through Qars, which was still in ruins, 
Mustafa Pasha advanced beyond this and took up 
general quarters in the mountainous district of Childir, . 
in Armenia.* The army under his command now 
numbered somewhat under 200,000 men, of whom 
100,000 were well armed, but of various nationalities, 
men from Bithynia and Phrygia mixed up with troops 
from Palestine and Judea, some from Pontus and Lydia: 
also men from Egypt and Africa and from Hungary. 
The Turkish army was indeed very well munitioned 
and provisioned, by reason of the attendance of the 
fleet of transports, which the Admiral Uluch-‘Ali had 
brought, under charge of his galleys, to the port of 
Trebizond, whence by land-carriage all provisions 
were carried over to Erzerúm. Mustafá Pasha had 
already got the troops well in hand, everything being 
organized for the march, and he had reinforced his 
artillery with 500 pieces of small cannon. 

The new king of Persia, Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, 
perfectly realized the designs of Mustafá Pasha, and 
having assembled together a sufficient body of troops 
gave the command to Toqmaq Sultan Khan, the 
governor of Erivan and Nakhcheván, whom the king 
made general-in-chief of his armies in Atropatene, 

136 


TOQMAQ KHAN 


Greater Media, Georgia and Persia, with command 
over the cities of Hamadán, Ganjah, Tabriz, Mast, 
Nakhchevan, Marand, Ardebil Sufiyán, Qara-Aghach, 
Turkoman-Chay and Chavat. All told, however, the 
Persian army only amounted in number to a bare 
30,000 cavalry, with infantry to match in a sufficient 
force. The Persians now set out in haste, having 
received news that Mustafá Pasha had already left 
Erzerúm, had passed Qars, and advancing by daily 
marches had reached the plains of Childir. “To Toq- 
maq it had been falsely reported that the Turkish army 
did not exceed some 40,000 men, being made up of 
soldiers of many nationalities, none over well armed, 
although indeed it was truly said that there were among 
them many valiant warriors and excellent commanders, 
as for instance, Khusraw Pasha, Bahram Pasha, 
Dervish Pasha of Qara-Amid, and Muhammad Pasha. 
The number of these famous captains caused no 
dismay to Toqmagq, but what astonished him was the 
apparent smallness, as by report, of the numbers 
composing the Turkish force. For this army, as he 
knew well, was brought together from many remote 
provinces, at the command of that powerful prince 
Sultan Murád, and despatched against an enemy 
both numerous and strong, as was the force under 
his, IToqmaq’s, command, and the Turks came forth 
to conquer nothing less than the whole of Persia. 
All this indeed was only what the public voice pro- 
claimed, and in the Persian camp the many youthful 
commanders had imposed upon Toqmagq, for they 
induced him now to give credit to the false reports of 
his spies, which a general so experienced in the practice 
of war as was Toqmaq should never have for a moment 
believed. 

His light horsemen shortly after this having come up 
in sight of the vanguard division of the Turkish army, 
Toqmagq in his ignorance imagined this to be the whole 


137 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


body of 40,000 which had been reported to him as 
the sum total of the invading force. Hesoon, however, 
began to suspect the truth, seeing among them only 
the standards of the two Pashas Bahram and Dervish, 
and feared that Mustafa Pasha—as was the case— 
was in the rear with the main body of his army, and as 
it were hiding in ambush. Toqmag, however, felt 
that his honour was at stake, and that come what 
might he was bound valiantly to offer battle. Hardly 
had the first skirmish begun when Mustafá appeared 
and made a sudden attack on the Persian right flank, 
bringing against them a division of 70,000 men. ‘Two 
matters of good fortune now just saved the Persians 
fromcomplete annihilation—namely, the skilful general- 
ship shown by '“Toqmaq, and the opportune coming 
on of the night and darkness. So Toqmaq, who had 
quickly realized his error and the danger that menaced 
him, began falling back by devious routes in the 
mountain passes, and by making use of every possible 
stratagem finally managed to escape destruction; but 
not to save a very considerable part of his army, for his 
loss was 7,000 men killed, and 3,000 more who re- 
mained prisoners with the Turks. Mustafa Pasha 
immediately sent the joyful news of his victory to 
Sultan Murád, who in reply greatly praised the deed 
done, and the Sultan added an order, as it appears of 
his own motion, that every one of the 3,000 Persian 
prisoners of war should be beheaded, an order which 
was forthwith carried out, a cruel and inhuman act 
such as had not been reported till that time as having 
been perpetrated, even of any barbarian potentate. 
This great victory of the Turks now gave cause that 
many of the local princes in those parts, who had 
hitherto been subjects of Persia, forthwith went over 
and gave in their submission to Sultan Murad. ‘Thus 
Mustafá Pasha’s army was joined without delay 
by the Georgian prince Salmas, and by Levente, the 
138 


/ 


GEORGIAN PRINCES 


newly installed prince of another district of Georgia, 
and by Prince Manuchihr, the son of Princess Desmit,? 
the widow [of Prince Lavarza], who had recently been 
dispossessed of his lands by the Persians. All these 
princes now joined the Standard of Mustafá Pasha, 
who, receiving them with great courtesy, despatched 
an account of their submission to the Sultan, as the 
firstfruits of the conquest of Georgia which he, 
Mustafa, was so successfully engaged in accomplishing. 

To make matters perfectly clear, it will now be well 
to explain fully who were all these Georgian princes, 
and to describe the country they ruled, which is now 
known as Georgia, and which of old was called Iberia. 
On the west Georgia touches the lands of the people 
of Colchis, who are the Mingrelians; while on the east 
it has Media Atropatene, which at the present time 
is the province of Shirván. On the north the Georgian 
border marches with Albania, which is now called 
Zuiria,? while on the south its limit is Armenia. 
Georgia is a very rocky, mountainous country, of many 
rivers, and among ¡these is the Cyrus, or Kur, which 
traverses the heart of the province, its waters ultimately 
joining the famous river Araxes, or Aras. The 
Araxes rises in the Taurus range in that part of the 
mountains which is called Periard, beside mount 
Aba [or Abus], and flowing eastward till it reaches the 
frontier of Shirván, it then turns to the north-west 
to the point where, as noted above, the Cyrus river 
joins it. The Araxes, next flowing by the city of 
Eres,* which is of Armenia, and passing through the 
Araxene Lands, which at the present time are known 
as the Plains of Calderan,” finally flows out into the 
Caspian Sea, which same sea 1s now known under the 
name of Qulzum.° 

Georgia comprised many districts ruled by divers lords 
who were as we might say dukes, marquises and counts. 
Of these princes the most powerful were then the 


139 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


following six in number. First there was [Princess 
Desmit] the widow of Prince Lavarza, and her two sons, 
named Mirzá Manuchihr and his brother Alexander.’ 
[In the second place came the two sons of Prince 
Labassap]? called David and Simon. [Thirdly, the 
son of Levente, otherwise called] Leventoghlú, and his 
Christian name was Iskandar, or as we should say, 
Alexander, being commonly referred to by his own 
people as “the Great.” Fourthly, there was the prince 
Yusuf, the son of Gory. Fifthly, the old prince Sham- 
khal, the lord of many lands, which lie between the 
province of Shirván and the country governed by 
Prince Iskandar, above named. This Prince Sham- 
khál at a later date was put to death by Othman Pasha 
[subsequently the ‘Turkish commander-in-chief in 
Georgia], but he left a son who succeeded to his lands, 
and who at the present time, when we write, rules over 
the mountain country called Brus by the Turks, which 
is a most rugged distriét, and where the snow lies 
continuously. Finally and sixthly, there was a very 
powerful Georgian prince named Bashachuk, whose 
lands marched with those of Prince Gory, being 
divided from these last by the Lake of Essekia,° while 
on his eastern frontiers was the country of Levente 
ruled by Prince Iskandar Leventoghli.”” 

To return to our story, the prince Yusuf and his 
father, Gory, both now joined the Turkish armies, and 
Yusuf forthwith became a Moslem. Prince Alexander, 
who was the elder brother of Manuchihr, as above 
mentioned, at that time ruled over the lands which lay 
adjacent to Qars on the west, while on the east his 
frontiers marched with those of the princes David 
and Simon. This country is watered by the river 
Araxes, and its capital is the fortress called Altun 
Oal'ah, a name which signifies the Golden Castle, and 
it Stands about halfway between Tiflis and Qars, being 
on every hand enclosed and defended by the passes 

140 


GEORGIA 


of the Periard mountains. Prince Labassap had at 
his death by will and testament left his lands to his 
elder son Simon, but the younger brother David, with 
the aid of Shah Tahmasp, who sent 4,000 men in his 
support, had immediately taken possession of the 
principality; and at the same time had declared himself 
to be a vassal of the king of Persia, becoming a renegade 
and a Moslem under the name of David Khan. Shah 
Tahmásp had forthwith made him lord of Tiflis, and 
Simon, his elder brother, who would not at that 
period by any means become a renegade, was im- 
prisoned, being sent to the Castle of Qahqahah. The 
towns that then belonged to this family of princes were 
Tiflis, Lori, Tomanis, Qars, or Qieres, and Júrji- 
Oal'ah, the Georgian Castle. ‘Tiflis is the capital, 
Standing on the river Kur, or Cyrus, which flows to join 
the Araxes, as already described, and to the westward 
of the city lies the range of the Caucasus. 

Now the Turkish armies occupying this province of 
Georgia, with their plundering and ravaging, had al- 
ready brought these lands to naught. They had invaded 
the country, entering thereto from all four quarters, 
although the Georgians before this had imagined 
that it was impossible for anyone to bring troops across 
the mountains by the defiles. On the coast of the Black 
Sea, however, in the quarter of the Albanians the 
Turkish army had been safely landed by an armada” 
of their ships, being supported by ‘Adil-Ghiray, the 
Tartar Khan [of the Crimea]. At the same moment 
also they invaded the country from the side of Shirvan; 
and likewise by two other passes the Turkish troops 
came in—namely, on the one hand by way of the Lake 
of Essekia, on which stands the city of Bashachuk, 
with many other towns subject to that Georgian prince 
who, as we have said, also is known by the name Basha- 
chuk; and lastly, the Turks penetrated into Georgia 
by the pass on the other side, where the country is 


141 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


covered by juniper and a pine forest, that same being 
the route by which, if we are to believe Strabo’s account 
in Book II of his History, Pompey and Canidius Cras- 
sus brought their armies over the border. Now the 
son of Levente, who, as we have said, was called 
Iskandar, and his brother ‘Is4 Khan, had lands lying 
between the city of Erivan and the country of Shirvan, 
and other lands beyond this again in the direction of 
Armenia on the further borders of Shirvan. ‘The lords 
of this district resided at the city of Zaghen, and 
‘Is4 Khan, brother of Iskandar, as aforesaid, now a 
renegade, having become a Moslem, by Shah Tahmasp 
had been appointed to be governor of the province, 
being set up to rule in his brother’s place, but this 
act on the part of the Persian king before long had 
failed in effect. We now conclude this description of 
Georgia, adding that in its most remote regions there 
were living many wild tribes of the Tartars, who 
are known as the Perikorsks, and they inhabit the 
foot-hills of the Caucasus in parts that look towards 
the valley of the Volga river, otherwise known as 
the Eder, 

[After his victory over the ‘Persians at Childir] 
Mustafa Pasha marched on, being given support and 
help on the part of the Georgians, which help, though 
small as to the numbers of his new allies, was most 
effective for the safe passage of the Turkish army; 
since it was through their own country that the 
Georgians were now engaged in showing the enemy 
the way. With his new friend Manuchihr as guide 
the Pasha advanced, though with great difficulty on 
account of the constant rains, and finally reached the 
lake called Kieder Gul, from which the river Euphrates 
has its source. Here he found the Turkish vanguard | 
already in possession of the Castle of Arkikelek, and 
the army rested for a space of time, finding all require- _ 
ments in the pasture grounds which lie round the lake. 

142 


BLAS TAKEN 
Then the Pasha passed on, going by the Lake of 


Pervana Gul, near to which stand the ruins of [ Triala],? 
an ancient city that was founded by the Crusaders who 
afterwards conquered Jerusalem. ‘There are still 
at the present day some priests with a number of 
Christian folk who live here, and who being Catholics 
are subject to Rome. Next, marching forth again 
the Turkish army reached the near side of the Tiflis 
mountains, and having crossed their crest, descended 
without halt and took possession of a castle called 
Jurji-Qal‘ah, the Georgian Castle already mentioned, 
which stands on the bank of the Kur, the river of 
Tiflis. Some of the Turkish soldiers were disbanded 
here, and seeing that the land was defenceless and at 
peace, forthwith they took to robbing and plundering 
the people. On this the princes Yusuf and David 
joined forces with Iskandar, being now desirous of 
giving aid to their old allies the Persians, while at 
the same time they appeared to be acting in defence 
of their native country and their own people. The 
three princes with their men, therefore, suddenly fell 
on these disbanded Turkish troops, and killed no 
small number of them. 

This, however, did not prevent the Turks from 
soon capturing the city of Tiflis; for Prince David, who 
had at the first alarm hastened his return in order to 
defend his capital, now realizing that against him was 
the great superiority in numbers of the Turkish forces, 
proceeded anon to vacate his capital after dismantling 
the fortifications. It appeared also to be his better 
chance to join forces with his friends in the field: and 
leaving ‘Tiflis, he marched forth into the open. 
Mustafa Pasha, having thus come into possession of 
the town, proceeded to repair the walls of the castle 
on the rock, furnishing it with a hundred pieces of 
cannon, setting a garrison in guard of 6,000 men, 


commanded by Muhammad Pasha, son of Farhad 
143 


DON JOAN OF "PERSA 


Pasha, who he appointed to be the governor of Tiflis. 
Then Mustafa Pasha continuing his march passed 
down into the province of Shirván. But now those 
Turkish troops who were from Aleppo and other parts 
of Syria, being wearied out by the long marches, 
mutinied, and unmindful of their duty and the prayers 
and protests of the Pasha, went off, under the leadership 
of one of their captains named Nasr-ad-Din Cheleby. 
They, however, rejoicing to be quit of the service, soon 
were dearly to pay for their revolt, for the Georgians 
fell upon them when they saw these Turks separated 
from their fellows, and very few of the mutineers 
escaped the massacre with their lives. 

Mustafa Pasha now advanced to the base of the 
mountains’ near ‘Tiflis, where ambassadors from 
Iskandar Leventoghlú appeared with the proposition 
that the prince should come to pay his respects to the 
Pasha, and give in his allegiance to Sultan Murad. 
At the same time Iskandar offered the Turks to act 
as their guide, giving them passage through his terri- 
tories: such was the inconstancy of these Georgian 
princes, who changed their friendships as easily as they 
changed their religion. Mustafa Pasha was indeed 
glad to be granted a safe passage through this dangerous 
country, and immediately accepted the offer of Iskan- 
dar Leventoghlu, to whom he forthwith sent the Robes 
of Honour which it is customary for the Ottoman 
Sultan to bestow on those princes who become his 
allies, or indeed on any general who conquers a new 
province for the empire; and Prince Iskandar expressed 
himself much gratified by the favour done him. So 
Mustafa Pasha began his march forward, and for twelve 
days was engaged in passing through marsh lands and 
cane-brakes, but with so much hindrance and dis- 
comfort from the badness of the road that more than 
once his soldiers for a time refused to go on, cursing 
the ambition of Sultan Murad and the vainglory of 


144 


KANAK RIVER 


their Pasha. At last, however, the army came through, 
reaching the borders of Shirván. 

At this moment there arrived, in more fear than joy, 
people from the city of Shaki, which stands on the con- 
fines of the province of Shirván, who offered their 
submission to the Turks, promising the obedience of 
all the tribes whose abode lay along the banks of the 
river Kanak.'* ‘The Turkish troops were now suffering 
from great fatigue, and there was a scarcity of food- 
stuffs, and the soldiers imperiously demanded of their 
general a halt for some days’ rest, though the place in 
which they found themselves was not well suited for 
acamp. Under advice from the inhabitants of those 
parts, and in order to procure most necessary provisions, 
Mustafa Pasha now proceeded to despatch a body of 
12,000 of his men, though not of his best armed 
infantry, with some squadrons of cavalry, under their 
several commanders; for the Pasha had been informed 
that beyond the marsh which lay at the junétion of the 
Kanak river with the Araxes there were great pastures, 
with corn lands, where wheat, barley and rice might 
be come to, also many flocks and herds. 

This information was believed to be reliable by the 
Pasha, and the foraging parties departed: but it was 
false and it was the occasion for an ambush so much 
desired by the Persian commanders—namely, Toqmagq, 
“Ali Quli Khan, Imam Quli Khan and Sharaf Khan— 
who now longed to retrieve their defeat at Childir. 
The Persians therefore now very Stealthily followed 
on the rear-guard of the foraging Turks, and came up 
with them as soon as these had separated from the 
main body of their fellows. Falling on them unex- 
pectedly, they put them completely to rout, so that 
hardly a man of the foraging parties escaped with his 
life. In the sequel, however, the Persians gained little 
by their victory, for such few Turks as escaped the 
ambush bringing news of the disaster to Mustafa 


145 L 


DON “JUAN OF "PR 


Pasha, he by a forced march suddenly came upon these 
victorious Persians, and next surrounded them in a 
peninsula lying between the rivers Araxes and Kanak. 
Here Bahram Pasha and Dervish Pasha skirmished 
and charged in on the Persians, while Mustafa Pasha 
later marching up with the remainder of his forces, 
Toqmaq and his fellow commanders were forced to 
give battle and defend themselves at a disadvantage. 
As a result, very few of the Persians managed to escape 
with their lives from this countergtroke of the Turks, 
though even their meanest camp-followers fought 
valiantly as though they had been the best of warriors. 
The carnage was terrible on both sides, and the Persian 
commanders, Toqmaq himself being the first to give 
the example, managed to escape death by swimming 
the river, thus encouraging his soldiers to make the 
like attempt. Of these last, however, very many were 
killed; while of the Turks 12,000 sutlers and 3,000 
soldiers of the flower of their army perished. Imém 
Quli Khan after this defeat returned to Ganjah,” 
Sharaf Khan to Nakhcheván, and Toqmaq proceeded 
to Erivan, neither side, Persian or Turk, being in a 
position to disturb the other side, each of the parties — 
awaiting fresh orders from his master, the one from the 
Shah, the other from the Sultan. 


146 


CHAPTER VI 


Inu which is continued the account of the campaign of the armies of Sultan 
Murád agains Muhammad Khuddé-Bandah, king of Persia, and 
details are given of the death of “Adil-Ghiray, the prince of the 
Tartars, and what was the cause of the same. 


ALTHOUGH to all appearance the frontiers of the 
province of Shirvan were closely guarded, and the 
whole district in the peaceable occupation of the 
Turkish army, yet no sooner did envoys with offers 
of submission appear from one quarter of the province, 
than from some other quarter would come news of 
fresh revolts in districts thought to be securely held 
by the Ottoman troops. Mustafa Pasha therefore 
now determined to overpass the Kanak river, although 
his army murmured loudly against any further con- 
quests which must cost so many lives. The men, 
however, were forced, though much against their will, 
to obedience, and in the result the loss of the Turkish 
troops was again over 8,000 men, before Mustafa 
Pasha had come to the city of Eres, which is the chief 
town in those parts. Here the Turks found that the 
place had been abandoned and dismantled, as also 
proved to be the case with Shamakhi, for the Persian 
commander, Samir Khan, had betaken himself to the 
mountains, where, having been joined by Aras Khan, 
the two were now watching the further proceedings 
of the Turkish commanders. 

Mustafá Pasha remained for twenty-two days in 
the town of Eres, building here a fortress which he 
furnished with one hundred small cannon,’ and in 
command of this fortress he appointed Kaytás Pasha, 
with a garrison of 5,000 men. Next he despatched 
Othman Pasha with 10,000 to occupy the town of 


147 


DON “JOAN (OR VP ER ois 


Shamakhi, the capital city of Shirván, which stands on 
the road to Derbend, otherwise called Dimur-Qapi 
[the Iron Gate], and which anciently was known as 
Alexandria. The people of Shamakhi, as also those of 
Derbend, forthwith submitted themselves to Othman 
Pasha, although indeed they were truly the subjects 
of the Persian king. Mustafa Pasha, now that the 
affairs of Georgia were in so good a way, and that the 
authority of his master the Sultan had been emphati- 
cally vindicated and established throughout this 
province, at last therefore gave the order for the return 
march, an order most grateful to his weary troops. 
In passing through the provinces ruled by Iskandar 
Leventoghlú, and by Shamkhál the lord of the Brus 
mountain, these two princes came out to meet Mustafa 
Pasha, offering him their humble submission, and 
matters were forthwith arranged on terms of amity. 
The Pasha had ordered the bridge over the Kanak 
river to be restored, and crossing it he marched up 
the Araxes bank back to Tiflis, where the troops took 
two days’ rest. 

They were now about to be conducted through the 
passes of the mountains, in easy Stages, by the people 
sent to be their guides by Prince Iskandar, and it was 
recalled that here a year before the Turks had suffered 
much hardship and hunger at their incoming. Thus 
the Turkish army was at last leaving behind them the 
mountain villages of the Georgian country, but even 
as they were thus peaceably passing out of these dis- 
tricts the Georgians assembled, plundering their rear- 
guard, composed of the baggage train and the sick and 
wounded, of which company Hasan Pasha, son of 
Jambulát,? was in command. The Turks, however, 
in the end came through without a disaster, and 
vanquishing a thousand dangers and difficulties, all 
at last arrived back at Erzerúm. Hither Mustafa 
Pasha had brought in his train the two sons of the 

148 


AS EP ERA Y 


widowed Princess Desmit—namely, Manuchihr and 
Alexander—who now were to be sent as hostages to 
Constantinople. Of all these matters the Pasha wrote 
fully to give account to Sultan Murád, and the troops 
were dismissed to their home quarters; but while 
Mustafá was thus taking his ease, the king of Persia, 
Sháh Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, and his son, Prince 
Hamzah, were working and not idle. 

Now at the call of the Turks, ‘Adil Ghiray, already 
mentioned, a gallant youth iO was prince of the 
Perekop Si ahitais of the Crimea, had recently entered 
into an alliance with the Sultan against the king of 
Persia, and in consequence was at the moment march- 
ing on Georgia at the head of a fine army of his people, 
coming from the lands round the Sea of Azof and the 
rugged shores” of the Black Sea. ‘To this prince 
Othman Pasha, acting under orders from Mustafa 
Pasha and from Sultan Murad, had written enjoining 
that his Tartar hordes should ravage and lay waste 
in every possible way the lands of the province of 
Shirván, which “Adil Ghiray forthwith began to do. 
News of this had been brought into Qazvin, where 
King Muhammad Khuda-Bandah was in residence 
with the prince his son, the Amir Hamzah, other- 
wise known as Hamzah Mirza, and many were the 
councils held and the counsels given, as to what it were 
best for the Persian government to do. At this period 
it was indeed plainly manifest to the Shah and his 
council of nobles that, by reason of the rigour of the 
winter season, no aid from Constantinople ‘could 
possibly be sent to the Pashas who had been left as 
governors in command of the various strong places 
throughout Georgia which Mustafa Pasha had taken 
into possession; and realizing this, Prince Hamzah 
forthwith determined to march into Shirvan with a 
body of troops amounting to 12,000 cavalry. By so 
doing it was his intention to throw back the raids of 


149 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the Tartars under ‘Adil Ghiray, and also at the same 
time to punish those cities in the Shirván province 
where without due cause of dire necessity the people 
had gone over, as of free will, to the side of the invaders: 
for this indeed had been the case with the inhabitants 
of Shaki and many other townships. 

During all this campaign [Sháh Muhammad Khudá- 
Baudah's wife*] the Begum, who was the mother of 
Hamzah Mirza, insisted on accompanying the prince, 
though having sons all grown-up men she was now a 
woman of a certain age, yet still beautiful beyond the 
ordinary of her time of life; further she was a princess 
of much prudent counsel. Mirza Salman, the prime 
minister, also accompanied Prince Hamzah on this 
campaign. Coming up through Ardebil the Persian 
army reached Qara Aghach, where a short halt was made 
for reasons now to be explained. Aras Khan and other 
nobles of Shirvan had been of late put greatly to shame, 
for they were all outcasts and wanderers in the land, 
the Turks being in occupation of their homesteads. 
They now had news of the communications established 
between the Tartar prince ‘Adil Ghiray and Othman 
Pasha, and had learnt what the Pasha had instructed 
him to do. Aras Khan and his friends therefore took 
counsel, and having collected a force deemed sufficient, 
had marched out into the field intent on making a 
diversion that should have an effect in favour of their 
master the Persian king. Aras Khan, however, had 
laid his plans badly, for the Tartar Khan knew of all 
his designs, and marching against the Persians he 
suddenly attacked Aras Khan and his men, routing them 
completely. Aras Khan was taken prisoner, and being 
sent to Othman Pasha, he forthwith had him hanged. 

Prince Hamzah had news on his march of this dis- 
aster as he was approaching the city of Eres. His 
army had recently been augmented by a reinforcement 
of some 10,000 cavalry, and he now learnt that Kaytás 

150 


ERES" TAKEN 


Pasha, the Turkish commander of Eres, had gone out 
from the fortress on an expedition for plundering and 
laying waste the country round. Hamzah Mirza 
therefore determined to seize the occasion, if possible, 
to surprise the city. Making a sudden attack he slew 
some 7,000 Turks of the garrison, and immediately 
became possessed of Eres city, where, finding the 200 
pieces of artillery left there, as before noted, by Mustafa 
Pasha, he despatched these as booty to the king, his 
father, in Qazvin. Much elated by his victory, and 
leaving his mother, the Begum, established in Eres, 
Hamzah Mirza next marched on to Shamakhi, where 
his coming was unexpected, and before any warning 
had been given, suddenly he appeared in sight of the 
camp of the Tartar prince, ‘Adil Ghiray. The Tartars 
were at the moment in some disorder, and for a people 
making war on a potent enemy they had been strangely 
negligent of precautions. ‘Their camping ground here 
was ill chosen, and no sentinels were posted on guard. 
Hamzah Mirza resolved on prompt action, and made 
an immediate attack, which turned out very success- 
fully, for in matters of war promptness is the mother 
of good fortune. When the Tartars, thus surprised, 
had regained their senses, it was found that more than 
half their number had been killed, and that their prince, 
‘Adil Ghiray, was a prisoner. Him Hamzah Mirza 
now sent under a strong guard to his father in Qazvin. 

Prince Hamzah did not rest content with merely 
thus defeating the Tartars, but immediately after his 
viétory marching on, proceeded to make a successful 
attack on Shamákhi, of which city Othman Pasha 
had recently been appointed governor. The Pasha 
indeed contrived in time to make his escape from the 
city, and fled in haste to Derbend, but had to abandon 
all his artillery, and also his Persian allies the people 
of Shamákhi were now left unprotected. Prince 
Hamzah, on entering that city, infli¢ted heavy chastise- 


151 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


ment on all its inhabitants, and proceeded to dismantle 
the town walls. Next marching back to Eres, where 
he had left his mother, the Begum, he, taking her in 
his train, now returned to Qazvín, which capital he 
entered in triumph laden with the spoils of his Turk 
and ‘Tartar enemies: and here he remained till the winter 
of that year had been overpassed. 

At about this period two events occurred worthy of 
note on account of what followed after in the region of 
Georgia, and they may here be profitably recorded. 
As we have already narrated the Tartar prince ‘Adil 
Ghiray was at this time a prisoner of war in Qazvín, 
he being the younger brother of ‘Tartar Khan, grand 
prince and monarch of the 'Tartars of the Crimea. 
After a time Shah Muhammad Khudá-Bandah did not 
any more treat the Tartar prince with rigour as a 
prisoner, but showed him kindness as a friend and 
neighbour, and it was indeed his intention to have 
married him to one of his daughters, and thus to have 
established a friendly relationship by this family 
connection between his Persian subjects and the ‘Tartar 
folk. Unfortunately at this very moment it was 
reported that a shameful treason had been discovered— 
namely, that “Adil Ghiray had dared raise his eyes to 
look on the Begum, Shah Muhammad Khuda-Bandah’s 
queen, and the mother of Hamzah Mirza. Further, 
it was put about that the Queen had returned his 
advances, and that illicit communications had resulted. 
When therefore these matters had become known to 
certain of the nobles, in wrath at this great shame, | 
they conspired and one night forced their way into the 
palace, putting both the Queen and the Tartar prince, 
her lover, to instant death, and immediately spread the 
news abroad openly to explain and justify what they 
had done. All this, as here narrated, is the account 
of the matter which Thomas Minadoi has given in 
his History,” but, as we have learnt, it seems certain that 

152 


MODEM HADRAY 


the truth was far otherwise—namely, that these nobles 
were merely acting under a feeling of petty jealousy 
against the Tartar prince, a sentiment that had been 
aroused in their minds at the sight of the intimacy he 
had gained in the affeCtions of the Sháh Muhammad 
Khudá-Bandah. For these men feared lest, if ¡the 
king made ‘Adil Ghiray his son-in-law—as in fact he 
intended shortly to do—the Tartar prince would then 
gain a party in Persia, with power in the affairs of 
the government. They therefore, unwilling that a 
stranger should thus come in, slew him, and pretexting 
his shameful intimacy with the Queen put her also to 
death, though innocent, a victim to serve the infamous 
purposes of her very jealous subjects. 

The other event of importance which happened at 
about this time was connected with the doings of 
Othman Pasha. He, professing great friendship for 
Shamkhal, the Georgian prince already mentioned, 
constrained Shamkhal [who was a Christian] to give 
him, Othman, one of his daughters in marriage. ‘The 
old prince Shamkhál perforce did as he was bid, but 
his conscience troubling him that his new son-in-law 
was none other than the chief commander of the forces 
of the Turkish invaders, and a sworn enemy to all 
those of his blood—namely, to his friends and relations 
among the other princes of Georgia—Shamkhal, 1 say, 
began secretly to show an inclination to the Persian 
alliance. ‘Through the intermediary of his new wife 
Othman Pasha got wind of this matter, and by giving 
a safe-conduét lured his poor father-in-law into his 
power, and then forthwith had Shamkhal beheaded. 
And this should serve as a warning to all those who in 
the future may put their trust in the word of an infidel 
and a barbarian Turk. 

In the following year Sultan Murad, acting under 
the advice sent by Othman Pasha, and listening to the 
friends in Constantinople of Mustafa Pasha—who 


tS 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


was still stationed in Erzerúm—now determined on 
more vigorous action. He was urged to the same 
intent by Tartar Khan, the prince of the Crimea, who 
was now the more at enmity with the Persians by 
reason of the recent murder of his brother, ‘Adil Ghiray; 
but who, none the less, never could accomplish what he 
might promise. By the Sultan’s orders in the first 
place the road from Erzerúm into Georgia was to be 
fortified and made good, and in consequence he sent 
instructions for engineers and masons to be brought 
hither from Aleppo, Damascus and Amid, also from 
Syria, Mesopotamia and Egypt to effect this purpose. 
It was about this time that Manuchihr, being still 
detained in captivity at Constantinople, became a 
Moslem, changing with his religion his name to 
Mustafa, and he was now given the title of Pasha of 
Altun Qal'ah. His brother Alexander, however, 
refused to become a renegade, and Sultan Murad 
therefore delivered him as a prisoner into the hands of 
the Moslem Mustafa, allowing him to do as he would 
with Alexander. Mustafa therefore, taking Alexander 
under strong guard, departed from Constantinople on 
his way home to his lands in Georgia, where he was now 
to govern as the vassal of the Turkish Sultan. 

The king of Persia, Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, 
meanwhile did not remain nothing doing, but, foreseeing 
what must take place, named Imam Quli Khan, the 
governor of Ganjah, to be commander-in-chief of his 
armies, sending him orders to march against Othman 
Pasha and drive him out of Derbend. ‘To this end 
the Shah further gave instructions that the following 
commanders should join forces and serve under him— 
namely, Amir Khan, the governor of Tabriz; Toqmag, 
the governor of Erivan; and Sharaf Khan, the governor 
of Nakhcheván. ‘The Shah also ordered the son® of 
the late prince Shamkhál to join his men to theirs, but 
he declined and would not obey the king’s command. 


154 


DAVID AND SIMON 


When matters now were at this pass, two events 
occurred that were entirely unexpected by the Persian 
monarch. ‘The first was that David Khan, who had 
been greatly favoured by the Shah since he had become a 
Moslem and a renegade, for no apparent cause now took 
flight from the Persian lands and went to join the Turks, 
voluntarily giving in his allegiance to Sultan Murad. 
In the second place, this David Khan’s brother, Simon, 
who had been thrown into prison [by the Shah], because 
he would not abjure Christianity, through the cor- 
ruption of evil companions in his captivity, had at last 
been brought to abandon his faith, abjuring Christ. 
He therefore, now become a Moslem, was set at liberty, 
and reinstated in possession of his lands, the title of 
Khan being restored to him. With a view of giving 
due and effective help to the Persian commander-in- 
chief, Simon Khan now joined forces with ‘Ali Quli 
Khan, bringing with him many pieces of cannon which 
had been taken from the Turks, and further with 
3,000 horsemen he now was busy to ravage and plunder 
all those lands of Turkish Georgia that lay near and 
about his own frontiers. 


woe 


CHAPTER VII 


Of the deeds of the Renegade Simon and of ‘Ali Quli Khán as against 
the Turks, and what the armies of Murad III accomplished under 
the command of Manuchihr. 


MustarA Pasua, carrying out the orders of Sultan 
Murad his master, having collected together the en- 
gineers and masons sent to join him at Qars from 
Memphis in Egypt, which is also known as Cairo, 
and from Damascus and from other parts of the empire, 
now began to build in Qars a fortress as had been 
commanded him. Further he despatched reinforce- 
ments to Tiflis under charge of Hasan Pasha, a good 
general, more commonly known as the Pasha of 
Damascus, he being a son of the Grand Vizier Muham- 
mad [Sokolli], who at that time directed the affairs 
of government at the Sublime Porte. With him too 
went Rizvan Pasha, at the head of a body of volunteers. 
Now Simon and “Ali Quli Khan (the Persian comman- 
der-in-chief) had news of the coming of these rein- 
forcements, and it being reported that the Turks only 
numbered 8,000 men in all—although in this mis- 
informed, for in fact they amounted to over 20,000— 
Simon and ‘Ali Quli Khan took post in ambush in the 
neighbourhood between Tiflis and Tomanis, and choos- 
ing the right moment, as it seemed to them, fell 
unexpectedly on the advancing Turkish force, killing 
of them a very great number. Among those who fell 
was Mustafa Bey, of Caesarea [Mazaka] in Qarmania, 
a man of note, and his standard too was taken. 

‘Hasan Pasha felt this blow, more for the loss of 
honour than for the loss of men, and with a view of 
taking reprisal, affected to have been utterly put to 
rout by this unexpected Persian attack, and in so doing 


156 


EO AUN - PACS A 


managed to draw his assailants from their shelter in 
the woods and gorges. ‘Ali Quli Khan being enticed 
forth, in his ardour to profit by the good fortune that 
he had gained threw himself rashly upon the Turks, 
and shortly became so involved and surrounded among 
the enemy troops that his friend Simon, hastening to 
his support, failed to catch up with and follow him. 
Then Hasan Pasha with his superior numbers was 
able to put to slaughter a multitude of the Persians 
and Georgians; ‘Ali Quli Khan himself was taken 
prisoner, and Simon barely by good luck escaped the 
same fate. Hasan Pasha was much gratified by the 
capture he had made, and resting for twelve days in 
camp, then threw his relief force into Tiflis, where 
the Turkish garrison indeed were in dire want of 
succour. Hasan Pasha now saw fit to change the com- 
mand in Tiflis, taking it from Muhammad Pasha and 
appointing Ahmad Pasha Hajji Begoghli to be governor 
in his place, with 3,000 new men to reinforce the 
garrison. Also, as the fortress did not appear to him 
strong or very well secured, he removed, carrying the 
same away with him, the whole of the military chest 
of moneys, with most of the stores. 

Hasan Pasha now set out on his march back to 
Erzerúm, and Simon, being much affected by the 
capture of his dear friend ‘Ali Quli Khan, determined 
to effect his release, if the matter could by force or 
fraud be brought about. He therefore proceeded to 
block and then to fortify the pass at Tomanis in order 
that Hasan Pasha might in passing be forced to halt 
and give him battle, for there was by this route no other 
passage through the mountains. The Turks now 
discovered they could only force their way through the 
pass with considerable delay and loss of men; whereupon 
Hasan Pasha was in great straits, but sought refuge in 
guile and stratagem, as these barbarian commanders are 
ever wont to do. He sent word to Simon, promising 


2 


DON JUAN OR PERSIA 


to release to him his friend “Ali Quli Khán if Simon 
would allow the Turks safe passage by any road 
where they might safely pass on to Erzerúm. Simon, 
as he should not, put trust in the promise of the Turk, 
and Hasan Pasha with his army was given the passage 
of the passes. Then the Pasha, first despatching his 
prisoner well in advance, dishonourably refused to 
fulfil his pledged word and escaped. Simon, much 
angered by this fraud, could only follow on rapidly 
after him; then later gathering all the forces at his 
command, Simon fell on the Turkish rear-guard, 
capturing part of the treasure of the military chest 
which the escort had in charge, and killing every man 
of that company. Hasan Pasha, none the less, by good 
fortune was still able to continue his retreat, saving 
himself from capture, and carrying his men of the 
vanguard safely into Erzerúm, where he delivered up 
what remained of the military chest to Mustafá 
Pasha, who bestowed it in safety in the castle. 

Up to this point the historical account given in the 
present work has been compiled from the best avail- 
able authorities, and by the help of my friends [the 
Licentiate Remón and others who have aided me in 
the composition of my book], but in what follows 
much of my information will be derived from what my 
father, Sultan “Ali Beg Bayát, has told me in days gone 
by, he himself having acted his glorious part in all the 
events which are now about to be narrated. 

Mustafá Pasha reported all that had taken place 
during the past year to Sultan Murád, who expressed 
his approval as to the fortifications erected at Qars: 
and he commended more especially the manner in 
which Tiflis had been relieved. To mark his apprecia- 
tion the Sultan sent expressly a brocaded robe of 
honour for the Pasha, adding also a shield of arms for 
Hasan. Further orders came that ‘Ali Quli Khan 
was to be well guarded in prison, he being a man of 

158 


SINÁN PASHA 


_ mark and a notable warrior. To the king of Persia 
1t was now sadly manifest that most of the Georgian 
princes for the sake of peace with the Turkish Sultan 
had had to give in their allegiance to him, and this in 
spite of all the efforts of Simon in various parts of the 
province to prevent matters coming to this pass. 
Sháh Muhammad Khudá-Bandah therefore began 
now to fear for the future, and especially lest Tabriz 
should next be attacked, when all Persian ‘Iraq in- 
evitably would be threatened. On the advice and 
counsel of Iskandar Leventoghlú, therefore, and 
persuaded by him, the Shah now determined to send 
an embassy with peace proposals to Constantinople; 
but incontinently his ambassador returned without 
having been able to effect anything of moment. Mean- 
while, Sháh Muhammad Khuda-Bandah had ordered 
continuous raids to be carried on against the enemy, 
thus to encourage those of the Georgian princes who 
were of his party, and in order that in Constantinople 
1t might be imagined that his treasure of money was 
great, and that he had a mind yet to fight; but these 
efforts were more for ostentation than for any real good 
that was apparent in the result. Then the Sháh went 
in pious visitation to the tombs of his ancestors, passing 
through the cities of Sultániyah, Zanján and Miyanah 
with other places, and returning to his capital at Qazvin 
he gave command for the mustering at the city of 
Tabriz of all troops, every squadron under its captain, 
in preparation for the campaign which shortly must 
begin. 

It was at this time that Sinán Pasha arrived in Tiflis 
temporarily to take command, superb and in his glory, 
for news had been brought that at Constantinople 
Sultan Murad already had named him to be Grand 
Vizier. His captains being much encouraged by the 
honour bestowed on their commander, determined 
forthwith to effect some notable deed of war against 


we 


DON JUAN OF PERSTA 


the Georgians, who at this season were ravaging the 
countryside; and with this end in view Tal-oghli’, 
the Aga of the Damascus Janissaries, and Omar, the 
former governor of Safed (in Palestine), set forth to 
counter the Georgian raids. Prince Simon, however, had 
news of the intentions of these Turkish commanders, 
and learning that their troops had marched out in some 
disorder, and that they were in no great numbers, fell 
suddenly on them and made so great slaughter that the 
Aga of the Janissaries alone escaped, for he was nimble 
of foot. Sinan Pasha, coming to Tiflis, had brought 
refreshments and some troops, who in part relieved 
the garrison, this fortress being now put under the 
charge of Yusuf Bey the Georgian renegade. While 
Sinan was at Tiflis Iskandar Levent-oghli sent in to 
offer his services to the Pasha, who received him 
favourably, giving him a fine present, and the like of 
this favour was also shown to other Georgian princes. 
Then Sinan Pasha started to journey to Constanti- 
nople. On the march back towards Qars a portion 
of the Turkish army, being the advance guard, went 
out under their commanders to water their horses and 
get forage. Suddenly they were attacked by Toqmaq, 
who had joined forces with Simon, and so had under 
him a body of 8,000 Persian troops. In this skirmish 
7,000 Turks were slain, and indeed, of the foragers 
none would have escaped death if Sinan Pasha had not 
opportunely come up with the main body of the army. 
But following the now retreating Persian cavalry, 
Sinan managed to catch up with and kill fifty of them; 
then causing their heads to be cut off, he stuck these 
on the points of spears in sign of a great victory. 

On arriving at Triala (which is halfway to Qars) 
Sinán Pasha learned from his spies that the king of 
Persia in person was now marching up behind him. 
The news threw the Turkish army into some confusion, 
fearing a sudden attack, but Sindn Pasha quickly re- 

160 


IAE SON THE. PERSTANS 


establishing order, sent to have the porters set down 
thetr loads, and drew up his troops in battle array, with 
fifty pieces of artillery in the front line. But while 
thus awaiting the appearance of the Sháh and the 
attack of the Persian army, to his surprise an envoy 
from the king, advancing from the Persian side, pre- 
sented himself with proposals of peace. Of terms the 
chief point was an offer to leave the Turks in undis- 
turbed possession of both Tiflis and Qars, and a compact 
of amity to result. Sinán Pasha could give no definite 
reply in acceptance, for he held no powers thereto 
from the Sultan. What he did was to entertain the 
envoy hospitably till they had marched in to Qars, 
whence he forwarded him on to Constantinople. 
Haydar Aga, for that was the name of this Persian 
envoy, returned in due course thence, bearing a pre- 
liminary acceptance of terms, and this news he 
carried to his master, whereupon the king of Persia 
named Ibrahim Khan ambassador plenipotentiary, a 
man of great experience, who immediately proceeded 
on to Constantinople. 

On arrival he found that Sultan Murad was busy 
with the rejoicings and festivals arranged in celebration 
of the circumcision of his son Prince Muhammad, 
who afterwards came to be his successor on the throne. 
On the day of the great ceremony nothing definite 
as to the peace had yet been settled for the treaty with 
the Persian ambassador, though he had been received 
officially in audience by the Sultan. The Turks now 
secretly determined to play off a trick on the Persians, 
which same was to invite these to occupy a stand whence 
they could conveniently see the procession and cere- 
monies, and to arrange the planks of support in such 
wise that, at the supreme moment of the procession 
passing, these should give way and precipitate the 
Persian ambassador and his suite down into the road- 
way in a manner very laughable to all beholders. So 
% 161 M 


DON! JUAN" OF "PB Ron 


it happened, and the ambassador had to swallow the 
affront, not being in a position to retaliate.* He, 
shortly after this, asked for a definite reply to his 
embassy, but Sultan Murad would give none, ordering 
that the ambassador should be sent back to Erzerúm 
as a prisoner, and there be kept under strict ward until 
further instructions came from Constantinople. 

At the outset of the following year Sultan Murad 
issued his commands for the assembling of a new army, 
though contrary to the advice of Sinan Pasha the Grand 
Vizier. The Sultan, however, overrode all opposition, 
and as commander-in-chief of the new forces, appointed 
Muhammad Pasha, the nephew of that Mustafa Pasha 
who had always been the rival in power to Sinan. 
This Muhammad therefore now set out for Erzerúm 
with the style and title of Pasha of that province, and 
the patent of commander-in-chief, orders coming to 
displace Rizvan Pasha, who had been up to this date 
in command there. To join Muhammad Pasha also 
were sent the Pashas of Aleppo and Ma‘arrah (in Syria), 
these two commanders having passed the preceding 
winter stationed in the city of Van. Muhammad 
Pasha set out on his march to Tiflis in company with 
Hasan the Eunuch [who was Pasha of Amid in Meso- 
potamia], and the renegade Mustafá, who formerly 
was known as the Georgian prince Manuchihr. With 
these also came the various Kurdish captains and others 
from the districts of Erzerúm; and having thus an army 
under his command of 25,000 men, Muhammad Pasha 
began to invade and occupy the Georgian province 
which was the home of Prince Manuchihr. The 
Persians soon had news of the arrival in Georgia of 
Muhammad Pasha, and though they could not openly 
aét in opposition to the Turkish army by reason of 
the peace treaty with the Sultan that was still being 
negotiated, yet in secret, by disguising themselves in 
the Georgian habit, and under guidance of Simon and 

162 


MUHAMMAD PASHA 


other Georgian chiefs, they were able to offer some 
hindrance to the march of Muhammad Pasha's troops, 
who, however, managed to evade their attack in the first 
instance. But later, at the passage of the river Kur, 
Cyrus, the Persians came up with the “Turkish army, 
and slew not a few of them, taking possession of the 
money of the military chest and plundering much of 
their baggage. The Turks therefore reached Tiflis 
in a condition of some disorder. 

Muhammad Pasha on entering the fortress of Tiflis 
found himself faced with a mutiny among his soldiers, 
who demanded that a sum of 30,000 ducats should be 
distributed among the troops of the incoming army, 
and these, on receipt of the money, forthwith proceeded 
to share their gains with the soldiers of the garrison. 
The Pasha, leaving a company of his men in charge of 
the fortress, now marched back from Tiflis, after 
substituting Omar Pasha for Yusuf Beg, the Georgian, 
as governor of the city. For the return route to be 
taken to Erzerúm, Muhammad Pasha was at variance 
with the Kurdish commanders as to the safest road to 
follow, for they insisted that it would be best to go by 
the pass of Tomanis, while he gave it as his intention 
to pass through Altun Qal'ah. Finally, the one and 
the other party each followed a different way, coming 
together and joining forces at Qars. Here the Pasha 
called together a secret council—or as the Turks say, a 
Divan—and this court was to judge whether or not in 
the past the renegade Manuchihr had been playing 
traitor; for the Pasha was convinced that it was through 
his treachery that so many misfortunes had befallen 
the Turks during the late campaign. The council 
came to the decision that his treachery was manifest, 
and that he was worthy of death, and Muhammad 
Pasha hoped that by this stern act of justice he would 
appease the wrath of his master, Sultan Murad, and 
compound for all his previous mistakes. The matter, 


163 


DON? JOAN: OF PERS 


however, turned out as had not been expected, and what 
happened shall now be related. The council therefore 
had assembled, deliberated, and having resolved that 
it were well to put Manuchihr to death, Muhammad 
Pasha sent for him, and under the Pasha’s letter of 
safe-conduct he appeared, but there were many who 
had given him warning. Secretly he carried arms, and 
leaving before the door of the council-chamber his 
guard of Georgian soldiers, who were all his servants 
and fully armed, he entered the hall. 

Muhammad Pasha invited him to be seated, so that 
he might listen to a despatch just come, said he, from 
Sultan Murad, which commanded that he, Manuchihr, 
should be despatched forthwith to Constantinople 
under arrest. On this Manuchihr (having heard the 
despatch read out) answered that he would go im- 
mediately, and stood up. ‘They told him to sit down 
again, but this he would not do. Muhammad Pasha’s 
Chief Door-keeper them made a snatch at his sleeve, 
but seeing what was coming, Manuchihr drew his 
sword and cut down one of the Pasha’s servants who 
was coming up. The Eunuch Hasan Pasha (of Amid) 
now approached, but had his ear cut off and part of 
his cheek sliced; indeed, but for his turban, which 
saved him from the full force of the blow, he had been 
killed outright. Muhammad Pasha himself received 
five wounds that were thought to be mortal, though 
later he recovered. ‘Then Manuchihr getting free, 
managed to mount his horse and fled. The Turkish 
army, though not understanding what was happening, 
had begun to get under arms; but the soldiers did 
nothing. Then several persons proceeded to attend to 
the wounded men. In a despatch sent by messenger 
Sultan Murad was informed of what had taken place. 
The Sultan expressed much anger on coming to know 
these details, and cast much blame on the Grand Vizier 
Sinan Pasha, who, he said, had kept him ill-informed 

164. 


ANYS TP AS ELA 


throughout. He now degraded Sinán from office, 
calling up as Grand Vizier Siyavush Pasha, who was 
by birth a Hungarian, and thus ever showed favour 
to the Christians. 

The king of Persia, when he had news of these 
events, was sure that the Turks during the ensuing 
summer would have their hands full in Georgia settling 
matters with Manuchihr, and be in some difficulty as 
to throwing any relieving force into Tiflis. Feeling, 
therefore, secure on this quarter, he appointed Amir 
Khan to take command of the western frontier, giving 
him orders that if the Turks attempted any aggression 
he should valiantly combat them. ‘Then Shah Muham- 
mad Khuda-Bandah, with his Turkoman allies and 
other troops, marched forth from Qazvin on the way to 
Herat, to bring into subjection his son ‘Abbas Mirza, 
and the cause for doing so it were now time and place 
fully for us to explain. 


165 


CHAPTER VIII 


In which is related the reason why the king of Persia marched to Herat 
as against his son‘ Abbas Mirzá ; how Mirzd Salmán was punished ; 
further, how Farhád Pasha was appointed by the Sultan commander- 
in-chief at Erzerúm. 


Marrers being now left on the Georgian frontier as 
explained in the last chapter, the king Muhammad 
Khudá-Bandah returned to Qazvin, where he assembled 
an army of 20,000 horse. Setting out on the march 
he had the province of Gilan on the Caspian Sea to his 
left hand, and to the right hand Shiraz and Káshán. 
Then passing by the Mazandarán province, and going 
through the cities of Samnán, Dámghán and Bistam, he 
arrived before Sabzivar, which is the first town on the 
western border of the province of Khurásán. Here 
the Sháh sent command and injunction to the governor 
of this city, who was holding it in the name of Prince 
‘Abbas Mirza, that he should deliver up charge of the 
same; but he would not. On this the king ordered 
the town to be besieged, and using scaling ladders, his 
soldiers before long entered the fortress, making the 
governor prisoner; and on this they cut off his head. 
Then marching on, the army carried with them the 
garrisons found at Nishápúr, Meshed, Turshiz and 
Turbat-i-Haydari, at the same time punishing those 
governors of towns that were not loyal to the king; 
and now the army arrived at Herat, a very Strong place, 
occupying a height, well walled and defended by ditches 
that were filled by water from springs, for in former 
days the Great Tamerlane had entirely rebuilt this 
city. 

Now at this time ‘Ali Quli Khan Shamlú in Herat 
was holding the young prince ‘Abbas Mirza in his 

166 


PRINCE ‘ABBAS 


power, and indeed he was the prime cause of all the 
troubles. As said above, Thomas Minadoi has written 
his account of these and other events entirely from the 
Turkish authorities, and in the matter of happenings 
at Herát he has been very ill-informed, wherefore, as 
I shall relate the affair it will appear very differently 
from what he has set down in his History. But the 
facts are as I State them, for my father was there present 
in person at that time, and with him many of our 
relations and kinsmen, who can bear witness. 

‘Ali Quli Khan therefore, it seemed, was holding 
‘Abbas Mirza completely under his thumb, the prince 
being heir in the second degree to Shah Muhammad 
Khuda-Bandah, and the prince being as yet incapable, 
by reason of his youth, of forming any judgment in 
politics for himself. The intention of ‘Ali Quli Khan 
now was so to dominate the prince and his affairs that 
he, “Ali Quli, should remain in faét the independent 
regent of the great western province of Khurásán, and 
to this end he had always shown himself very mutinous 
to the Sháh, and had not sent him succour of troops 
[in the Georgian campaign] when ordered so to do, 
which in Persia is a crime of rebellion that entails 
immediate punishment. Intent on signally chastising 
him for his misdeeds, the Shah, in company with the 
prince Hamzah Mirza, therefore had come before 
Herat, to which city the royal army now was laying 
siege, the Shah, as has been said, having already 
crushed many rebels as he passed through the land. 
But the city of Herát being strongly built, was well 
defended, and the siege dragged on for three months, 
‘Ali Quli Khan having sufficiently provisioned the 
fortress. Matters turning out as they did, and so 
unfavourably, it began to appear that to take Herat 
was beyond possibility; further, news now came that 
Sultan Murad once more was making preparations 
to invade western Persia. Thus, it seemed prudent 


167 


DON> JUAN OF PERSE 


to abandon the Herát enterprise, at least for the time 
being. ‘The cause, however, of this present State 
of affairs was well understood by all the nobles in 
command of the king's troops. They had seen how 
the campaign had been from the first misconduéted, 
what great sums had been uselessly squandered, and 
they asserted this to be entirely the fault of Mirza 
Salman the Grand Vizier, who had originally urged the 
Shah to undertake this unfortunate enterprise. 

The nobles therefore came together taking counsel, 
and laid the issue on one of their number whose name 
was Shabdah Sultan. He, under pretext of business 
to transact with the Vizier, entered his presence and 
forthwith stabbed him to death. A mutiny among the 
troops was soon appeased, and the Shah, with Prince 
Hamzah Mirzá, turning back from Herat marched 
direct to Qazvin, the capital. Now Thomas Minadot’ 
has related in his History that Mirza Salman had given 
one of his daughters in marriage to the prince Hamzah 
Mirza, for it was his ambition that a grandson of his, 
and a great-grandson afterwards by this marriage, 
might both come to reign as Shahs of Persia. Hence it 
was that he had counselled the king to undertake the 
Herat campaign, to the intent that he might compass 
the imprisonment or perchance the death of “Abbas 
Mirza. Further, Minadoi states that when the royal 
army reached Herat Prince ‘Abbas wrote direct 
explaining matters to his father and to his brother, by 
which means the treason of Mirza Salmán—or Salmás, 
as Minadoi always wrongfully calls him—was made 
patent. Thus a peaceable accommodation became 
possible between the young prince and his father and 
elder brother; and next the order was given to cut off 
the Vizier’s head. But all this of Minadoi is quite 
contrary to what in fact happened. For Mirza 
Salman never had a daughter given in marriage to 
Prince Hamzah. Nor was Prince ‘Abbas then of an 

168 


FARHÁD PASHA 


age to wage war.” Nor was Mirza Salman beheaded 
by order of the king: the true account being as I have 
written it above. 

But to return: as already stated, Sultan Murad having 
heard how the king of Persia was fully occupied at 
Herat with matters in connexion with the affairs of his 
son Prince *Abbás, nominated Farhad Pasha to the 
command of the armies on the Persian frontier, with 
orders to continue the war in Georgia. Also he was 
now to make the attempt to carry by assault the city of 
Erivan, where ‘Toqmaq Khan was governor. Farhad 
Pasha was further commanded to hold and strongly 
fortify the direét road running from Qars to Eriván, 
and he was to throw succour of troops into Tiflis. In 
regard to the recent acts of Manuchihr—who was now 
called Mustafá —Farhád Pasha was enjoined for the 
time being to close his eyes to what the Georgian 
aay had done, lest he should come out against the 

urkish army in the ensuing campaigns: for 1t was the 
Sultan’s intention in the following year to make the 
attack on Tabriz. The Turkish army being now 
assembled, Farhad Pasha in command left Constanti- 
nople and reached Erzerúm, where a short rest was 
given and a general review held. From Erzerúm the 
army set out for Qars, and on the way the Pasha 
arranged that a certain castle which commanded an 
important mountain pass here, and which is known to 
the Turks as Akcheh-Qal‘asi (Silver Castle), should be 
Strongly fortified. Here a commander was left, with 
sufficient artillery and a force of 400 men. Qars 
being come to and fresh garrisoned, the army now 
passed on and finally reached Erivan. ‘This city 
lies near very high mountains that are covered most 
of the year by clouds and frozen snow, though in the 
valleys below there is much good pasture for beasts 
and excellent corn lands.? The country round is well 
watered by streams which flow to join the Araxes. 

169 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


- ‘On the march to Eriván the cities of Nakhcheván, 
Marand and Sufiyán had been captured; and Farhád 
Pasha unopposed, with no incident worthy of note, 
now sat down before Eriván and proceeded to lay siege 
to the town, the defence having been entrusted to that 
valiant soldier Toqmag Khan. The Persians, however, 
were unable to make any effective resistance by reason 
of the very unequal number of men that their general 
had to set against the opposing force. The Georgians, 
without, could give no aid, being occupied with holding 
and keeping guard on the country round Tiflis: nor 
was any succour possible that should come in time from 
Shah Muhammad Khudá-Bandah and Prince Hamzah. 
Thus, perforce, Eriván must fall, but capitulating to 
terms, which Farhád Pasha readily granted, and Toq- 
maq then evacuated the town. Farhad Pasha on 
coming into possession proceeded immediately to 
erect a fortress on the spot where Toqmaq had built 
his palace and laid out his pleasure gardens, and thus 
their place became a great stronghold. Erivan was 
now put under the government of Sinán* Pasha, son 
of Cigala, with Hasan Bey, son of Janbulát Khan, as 
second in command; and a suitable force of artillery, 
with 8,000 men, was placed under the orders of Sinan, 
son of Cigala, Farhad Pasha after this returned 
from Eriván to Erzerúm. 
Eriván is a great city and the capital of its province, 
but for some years past in our days it has remained in 
possession of the Turks. Formerly, indeed, it had 
always been counted as belonging to the Persian 
Empire: it is enough here to mention the fact of its 
having thus fallen under the Ottoman power, though 
it ought, of course, ever to have been retained as an 
integral part of the Persian kingdom.  Eriván lies 
on the borders of Georgia, and to the north?” of it lies 
the city of Tiflis and the Calderán Meadow-lands 
[below the junction of the Araxes and Cyrus rivers]. 
170 


Peco CRUE Res iP RICK 


Towards the Tropic of Capricorn (to the westward) 
lies Van city, with the Lake of Van, which anciently 
was known as the Sea of Marciana. 

As soon as Toqmag Khan found himself thus turned 
out of Eriván with his garrison, he gathered together 
what troops he could muster and proceeded to raid all 
the neighbouring country, one day putting to the sword 
a hundred Turks, and the next day two hundred, 
mostly of those that were sent out from the Eriván 
fort, either to take possession of lands near by, or to 
forage for provisions. It was at this season that an 
event occurred that became almost a matter of Jest, 
though sufficiently annoying to Sultan Murad. 
Commands had been given—as already said—to 
Farhad Pasha to overlook for the time being and to 
ignore all that Manuchihr had been guilty of doing 
in the past. With intent to show him that the Sultan ' 
further had every confidence in his loyalty, Farhad 
Pasha received orders to entrust 30,000 ducats to his 
care, which treasure he, Manuchihr, was to convoy, 
as one well acquainted with the mountain passes, into 
Tiflis, where it was to be delivered for the pay of the 
- garrison to the Turkish commander of that fortress. 
Manuchihr promptly accepted the commission, and 
set out on the road to Tiflis in company with the guards, 
and porters who carried the money chests. On the 
way, however, he chanced to come up with the renegade 
Simon, and then God put it in their hearts to know how 
evil was the deed they had both done in having shame- 
fully been perverted to Islam. Repentance fell on 
them, and their hard hearts were softened, and they 
determined, after taking much counsel together, to kill 
the guards and porters of the treasure, and thus to 
become possessed of those moneys. This excellent 
intention was forthwith carried into effect, and the two 
Georgians made off, the Turkish treasure being no 
more seen or heard of. 


171 


DON: JUAN OF PERÓN 


News of these happenings was soon brought to 
Erzerúm, and Farhád Pasha with the least possible 
delay despatched Hasan Pasha to carry needful succour 
to the garrison of Tiflis. Taking with him a squadron 
of picked men who knew how to make the march from 
Erzerúm to Tiflis in twelve days, he departed, and meet- 
ing with no opposition on the road, carried in to Tiflis 
from Erzerúm moneys to the amount of 40,000 ducats. 
Matters being thus adjusted, Farhad Pasha next 
organized a considerable force that should avenge the 
affront that Manuchihr and Simon had put upon him. 
The Turkish troops raided all Manuchihr’s lands, 
devastating the whole neighbourhood, for no resist- 
ance was offered to their proceedings. 

The spring of 1584 being now come, Shah Muham- 
mad Khudá-Bandah and his son, Prince Hamzah, began 
to make their arrangements for marching to garrison 
Tabriz with a great body of troops. Having news of 
this, Farhad Pasha, on his side, immediately made plans 
to strengthen the fortifications of Khoy and to throw 
into this place a body of 8,000 men with 200 
small pieces of cannon, under the command of ‘Ali, 
the Pasha of Greece. Further, this ‘Ali Pasha had 
orders to refortify Shaytán Qal’ah—which in their 
language means the Devil’s Castle—and which is a 
stronghold lying some ten miles distant from Khoy, 
being a fortress of much importance. Farhad Pasha 
next marched at the head of his army to Tomanis, which 
Simon had lately dismantled of its walls, he having no 
cannon with which to provide for their defence. 
Tomanis, under Farhad Pasha’s inspection, was forth- 
with greatly strengthened and enlarged, the mountain- 
side at the narrows of the pass was excavated and made 
flat, and the foundation of an immense fortress laid, 
with long walls, and built round so that the place was 
now capable of harbouring a garrison of more than 
12,000 men. In the centre of this new fort they 

172 


TOMANIS 


erected a huge tower, and hereabout, and in its turrets, 
they set 200 pieces of artillery. This strong place now 
commanded the frontier pass from Armenia into the 
lands of Georgia, whereby all the country round 
Tomanis was thenceforth sufficiently protected. 
Further, the road was now held in force, by which con- 
voys when needed could be sent in to Tiflis; and to 
prove that this was as it should be Farhad Pasha im- 
mediately despatched Rizván, the Pasha of Anatolia, 
in company with the Pasha of Qara Amid [which same 
is Diyar Bakr of Mesopotamia] at the head of a force 
of 20,000 men, who in one day’s march reached Tiflis 
from Tomanis, escorting treasure and needful supplies. 
At the same time the governor of Tiflis was relieved, 
Bagli Pasha® being left there in command, and the 
return march of the troops to ‘Tomanis was brought 
off without incident. 

It was at this season that David, brother of Simon, 
presented himself before Rizván Pasha—who had 
just come back from laying waste the lands of 
Manuchihr—giving in his allegiance to Sultan Murad, 
which was cause of gratification to the two Turkish 
Pashas, for Rizván was proud to have him as an 
ally and for counsel. Simon, as soon as he had news 
of what his brother David had done, sent spies to 
reconnoitre Rizvan Pasha’s camp, but these gave him 
false information, reporting that the Turks were in no 
great number. Simon therefore now marched out, 
and making his attack on the Turks in camp under 
Rizvan Pasha, at first threw their flanks into great dis- 
order. News of this attack was brought to the camp 
of Farhad Pasha, who getting under arms came up 
to the support of Rizván, for both Pashas imagined 
that the whole Persian army was upon them, with the 
Shah in person in command. With this confusion and 
tumult of troops marching and counter-marching, 
Simon now seized the occasion to make his retreat, 


173 


DON “POTAN: SOF PRA 


before the Turks should come to know how insignifi- ~ 
cant was the force of the enemy attacking them. Simon 
indeed had made this demonstration with his small 
force, with intent, 1f possible, of detaching his brother 
David from the Turkish alliance, or at least to spoil 
the new friendship between him and Rizván Pasha. 
Simon, however, had soon perceived that his men 
were too few to carry out the enterprise, and indeed the 
enemy were in such superiority of numbers that he ran 
grave risk himself of being completely overwhelmed. 
He therefore beat his retreat, after doing what damage 
he could, and not any too soon, for he, Simon, found 
himself at the end of the fight on the point of 
being taken prisoner. Later both the Turkish camps 
returned to quiet, and the truth of the whole incident 
became known. 

Winter now was coming on, and Farhad Pasha, 
leaving Hasan Pasha with a garrison of 8,000 men in 
the new fortress of Tomanis, prepared to depart. He, 
however, determined that 1t was expedient on his home- 
ward march to make a further example, and again 
to lay waste the lands of the rebel Manuchihr. He 
therefore marched the whole of the Turkish army into 
camp in these territories, before he should set out 
on his way back to Qars and Erzerúm. The Pasha’s 
intention in thus delaying their homeward march was 
much to the dissatisfaction of his men, who, however, 
murmured to no purpose, and the Turkish army took 
its way forward, arriving after three days of a harassing 
march at Triala. Here heavy privation and famine fell 
on the Turks from the entire lack of foodstuffs, for all 
the countryside had been stripped bare, and the popu- 
lation everywhere had fled into the hills. The same 
happened beyond this at Akhalkelek, and in the 
neighbourhood of Altun Qal’ah and at Kliska, where 
the men suffered so much by reason of their hunger, 
that three and a half bushels’ of :corn—which is 


174 


AMIR KHÁN 


the quantity of a Venetian Sfaia—was priced at 50 
ducats. ‘Iwo regiments of the Janissaries and some 
men of the Constantinople infantry? here mutinied, but 
they were brought to reason by the efforts of Veys, the 
Pasha of Aleppo. Farhad Pasha now attempted to 
storm the fortress of Altun Qal‘ah, which was well 
provided with provisions, intending then to build for 
his troops a stronghold at Kliska, but his men frustrated 
all that he would have done, again making a mutiny, and 
threatening to kill him. Farhad Pasha thus was 
forced to march on to Ardahán; and here the Georgians 
made a raid, attacking the Pasha’s women in the 
carriages guarded by their eunuchs, and their convoy 
was plundered. There were not wanting many who 
said it was not the Georgians but the mutinous Janis- 
saries who did this deed, and in Constantinople Farhad 
Pasha lost all reputation for having allowed himself to 
be so basely plundered. 

Farhad finally reached Erzerúm, where his troops 
were forthwith dismissed to winter quarters. Another 
event now happened which effected the complete 
discredit of the Pasha. ‘The Persian general ‘Ali 
Quli Khan, who, as already said, had been taken prisoner 
and was for safety being detained in the fortress at 
Tomanis, now managed to make his escape, reaching 
Persia in safety, and this was a piece of mismanagement 
that greatly angered Sultan Murad. In Persia, on the 
other hand, events were taking place which came near 
to causing the loss of Tabriz to the Shah: as later was to 
be the sad case when that city was indeed taken from 
him: the detail of which last disastrous event will be 
told the reader later in its proper place. What now 
took place was this. Amir Khan was at this time 
holding the government of ‘Tabriz, as has been men- 
tioned above, and he was the chief Khan and Amir of 
the Turkoman tribesmen, and a great soldier. For 
some unknown cause—and the true reason of the same 


175 


DON TUAN OEP oa 


never was made clear—Amir Khán had betaken him- 
self to a certain Strong castle which he had caused to 
be built in the city of Tabriz, and now let it be known 
that he declined to deliver the command of this place 
into the hands of the Sháh [who, as already noted above, 
was coming up from Qazvin]. It was suspected 
indeed that there lay behind all this some treason plot 
against Shah Muhammad Khuda-Bandah, but nothing 
ever could be proved. The stronghold in question, 
and the city quarter lying round it, where Amir Khan’s 
men lay in camp, both were very well fortified, and as 
soon as the Shah and Prince Hamzah at the head of 
their army had marched into Tabriz, all became aware 
of Amir Khan’s rebellion. The king thereupon com- 
missioned my father, Sultan ‘Ali Beg, to go to Amir 
Khan, and if possible persuade him peacefully to give 
in his submission. My father succeeded in effecting 
this, for after some delay he managed to persuade 
Amir Khan to appear in the presence of the King, but 
the Shah being wroth, forthwith ordered him to be 
arrested and conveyed as a prisoner to the castle of 
Qahgahah under a Strong guard. On arrival there, 
or some say on the way thither, Amir Khan was in- 
continently put to death, this by the Shah’s previous 
command. 

It was at this date that Sultan Murad appointed 
Othman Pasha to the chief command of his armies 
[in Georgia to supersede Farhad Pasha], though the 
Grand Vizier at the Porte, Siyavush Pasha, did his 
utmost to traverse the Sultan’s will, for he was Othman 
Pasha’s declared enemy. Finding that the Sultan’s 
intent of mind in this matter was irrevocable, the Grand 
Vizier was forced to draw up the deed of appointment 
and send official intelligence thereof to Othman Pasha, 
who was at that time stationed in Shamakhi. Siyavush 
Pasha, however, when he perceived that he could not 
openly prevent Othman taking Farhad’s place as 

176 


OTHMAN PASHA 


commander-in-chief in the coming campaign against 
Persia, determined forthwith to set about a plot to 
compass the death of Othman Pasha, and the business 
was to be done in the following way. Othman Pasha 
had for some time past again and again been sending 
complaints to Sultan Murad against Kuman,? the prince 
of the ‘Tartars of the Crimea, who, he wrote, was the 
worst of neighbours, always favouring the Persian 
cause, and never mindful of the respect and allegiance 
due from him to the Ottoman State. ‘These complaints 
of Othman Pasha, however, being written and des- 
patched by messenger, never reached the eyes of Sultan 
Murad, for the Tartar prince by bribes had gained 
over to his interest the Grand Vizier Siyavush Pasha, 
who kept to himself all these despatches from Othman 
Pasha. Sultan Murád therefore imagined the Tartar 
prince still to be his good friend and ally. 

+ ¡Matters thus seeming to be ripe and favourable, 
Styavush Pasha wrote to the Tartar prince, who was at 
the city of Kaffa on the Sea of Azov, that if he wished 
to keep his peace with Sultan Murad, he must now 
compass to prevent Othman Pasha getting to Con- 
stantinople, lest he should become aware of the secret 
understanding that was in existence between the two, 
and unmask their intrigue to mislead the Sultan. 
Therefore, as the Grand Vizier wrote, it would now be 
convenient to murder Othman Pasha, and to bring 
about this as though by mischance, a body of Tartar 
horsemen should be sent under disguise to the lands 
about Colchis and Iberia [which is Albania], where 
they might fall on Othman Pasha and put him to death. 
He, the Vizier, would then easily persuade the Sultan 
that the deed had been done by some nomad tribesmen 
of the Mingrelians or Georgians, or it might be the 
Muscovite brigands. Thus the plot was laid, and 
Othman Pasha having received official information of 
his new appointment to be commander-in-chief, as 


15777 N 


DON“ TUAN "OE PPh 


was due from him, set out for Constantinople to 
present himself before the Sultan. He intended to 
travel by the way along the north coast of the Black 
Sea, and the Tartars on their part now set out to 
waylay and kill him as arranged; but they failed to 
carry through their plan, for Othman Pasha’s escort 
in fact overcame them, taking many of the Tartars 
prisoners. Othman Pasha by torture extracted from 
certain of these men the true history of the matter, and 
subsequently reached Constantinople in safety. Here 
he related the adventure to Sultan Murad, explaining 
that he had in obedience to his master’s orders left 
Derbend—which some call Demir Qapú—and passing 
along beside the heights of the Caucasus, leaving Media 
and Iberia and Colchis on the left hand, and on his right 
the rivers Volga and Tanais, he had finally come to the 
shores of the Euxine, where he had suddenly found 
himself beset by 12,000 Cossacks or bandits, but these 
with the 4,000 men of his escort he had easily van- 
quished, and from his prisoners had come to know of a 
plot laid for his destruction. 

Sultan Murad was extremely angry on hearing all 
this, and straightway called up and dismissed Siyavush 
Pasha from his post of Grand Vizier. He further 
declared that the ‘Tartar prince Kuman was the public 
enemy: vengeance was to be taken on him, and paying 
him back in his own coin, Othman Pasha received 
command to have him made prisoner and put to death. 
After which Sultan Murád set up to be prince of the 
Perekop Tartars in the place of Kuman, the latter’s 
younger brother,” whom the Ottoman government 
till then had been keeping as a prisoner of State at 
Qonia, which same is a city of Lycaonia. Sultan 
Murad having thus shown his regard for Othman 
Pasha, and formally appointed him commander-in- 
chief in the coming campaign against the Persians, 
told him that he should for the present let it appear that 

178 


Poel loa NDS SY RTA 


the main objective was Nakhcheván, though in truth 
it was the secret intention of the Sultan that he should 
push on and make the attempt to capture Tabriz. 
Othman Pasha, who was in haste to set off, had, 
however, for a time to delay beginning his march on 
account of recent happenings in Cairo. 

Not long before this Sultan Murad had sent Hasan 
Pasha the Eunuch to Grand Cairo as governor of 
Egypt, and it was now reported that he was showing 
excessive tyranny in his office, and giving the people 
no justice, being only intent on amassing riches. ‘The 
Sultan therefore despatched orders that he should 
forthwith appear before him in Constantinople to give 
answer to the complaints which had been brought 
against him by the natives of the land, but it had been 
impossible as yet to persuade him peaceably to come. 
The Sultan thereupon at last decided to send 
Ibrahim Pasha [to Cairo, who should depose him from 
office], but Ibrahim Pasha, instead of acting dis- 
creetly with justice, forthwith proceeded even more 
arbitrarily, plundering the Egyptians, acting tyranni- 
cally, and himself amassing great sums of money, after 
having finally forced the Eunuch Hasan to set out 
by sea for Constantinople. Then Ibrahim Pasha, 
on leaving Egypt, took the route homewards by the 
lands of Judea and Palestine, where on his passage he 
forcibly suppressed the revolt of certain amirs of those 
provinces who had set themselves up to be independent 
princes. [These were men of the Druse people, who 
are the descendants of those Crusaders who in times 
past gained possession of Jerusalem and the Holy 
Land, but who in these present days have become 
Moslems and are tributary to the Ottoman State. 
From these people also Ibrahim Pasha squeezed great 
sums of money, plundering their towns, and with all 
this treasure he, in due time, arrived at Constantinople. 


Now the yearly tribute of Egypt and Cairo had been 
179 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


established at the sum of 600,000 gold sequins, and it 
was due at this time to be paid over to the Treasury, 
but in place of this sum Ibrahím Pasha had now brought 
Murád a million sequins, which so delighted the 
Sultan that forthwith he gave him one of his daughters 
in marriage. 

Sultan Murád having thus satisfactorily settled the 
affairs of [Egypt and the Druses] with Ibrahim Pasha, 
now issued orders that Othman Pasha should proceed 
on his campaign against Tabriz, and the Pasha now set 
out for Erzerim, where he made a grand review of his 
armies. Then on the 11th of August of the year 1585 
he marched out from Erzerúm, on the Tabriz road, 
under the guidance of one Maqsúd Aga [a native 
Persian), who as was commonly reported had recently 
fled to the Turkish camp from Persian territory. This 
matter is related, as above, according to what Thomas 
Minadoi has set down in his book," but in this instance 
again the details were given to him incorreétly by his 
Turkish authorities. I, however, know the truth of 
the matter, which is somewhat different from what 
Minadoi has written, and this I would now set down. 
For Maqsúd was not a Khan, a title that Muinadoi 
gives to him, nor was he a noble of any sort, for not 
even did he have the title of Bey, which is, as we should 
say in Spain, Don. He was simply an Aga—that 1s 
to say, a rich husbandman who had bought, out of his 
money-bags, a property near Tabriz, well inhabited 
by some 500 peasants, the place being there known 
under the name of Kúzah-Kunán (the Potteries).™ 
This Maqstd had been a great friend of Amir Khan, 
late Chief of the Turkonian tribesmen, and when he 
learnt that the Sháh had ordered his friend to be put to 
death, and further learnt that he himself, Maqsúd, was 
under suspicion because he was a Sunni, which is of 
the sect of the Turks, very prudently taking warning 
by how another had lost his head, he had fled to Con- 

180 


Pe? di 


TABRIZ 


stantinople. At this moment he had come back to 
Persia to act as guide to Othman Pasha's army, being a 
man who was perfectly acquainted with all the lands and 
neighbourhood of Tabriz. 

¡As has already been said, when Othman Pasha had 
come out of Erzerúm he held a great review of his 
troops, when he found that they numbered 230,000 
men, or as some report, 300,000: and it appeared to 
him that here were numbers out of the way in excess: 
so he dismissed 50,000 of those least experienced in 
war, and then made public proclamation that he was 
going to march against Nakhcheván. However, it 
soon became evident that Tabriz was his true objective, 
and the troops began to mutiny, holding that they had 
been deceived, but Othman Pasha was able to pacify 
them, and they proceeded to Khoy, which is a city above 
Van, and here the army rested. Next passing through 
Marand, the first city across the Persian frontier, they 
came then to Sufiyán, a small town on a height from 
which, looking down, they could discover ‘Tabriz. 
This was cause of much rejoicing to the troops, and 
they were especially glad when they reached the 
orchards round Tabriz, and as yet without having seen 
a single soldier of the enemy’s forces. Prince Hamzah 
Mirzá had, however, by this time come up and was 
reconnoitring to see what the Turkish army was doing 
beyond Sufiyán: and he now put himself in ambush 
with 10,000 horsemen, noting that the enemy were, 
so to speak, disbanded among the orchards. Then 
suddenly he attacked, and put their vanguard com- 
pletely to rout, killing 7,000 of them. Othman Pasha 
on discovering the near presence of Prince Hamzah 
had called up Cigala Pasha, with Muhammad the 
Pasha of Qara Amid, and sent them forward with 
14,000 men to give battle to the prince; but Hamzah 
Mirza fought valiantly and inflicted yet more damage 


than he received, capturing many Turkish banners; 


181 


DON JUAN TOR "PERSIA 


finally, however, he had to retreat, and leaving the 
battlefield, rejoined his father, the king, who had 
remained behind with the bulk of the Persian forces, 
at a place twelve miles from Tabriz. 

At this time ‘Ali Quli Khan was the military governor 
of Tabriz, having under him only 4,000 horsemen for 
garrisoning the great city, and he knowing the force 
that Othman Pasha was bringing against him—namely, 
70,000 cavalry and 150,000 infantry—all he as a valiant 
soldier could effect was thrice over to march out 
and skirmish against the Turks, of whom, on these 
several occasions, he managed to kill some three or 
four thousand of their best men. With his small 
army, however, for garrison, he could not hope to 
defend so great a city, for the population, though 
numerous, was not used to war, and to remain, there- 
fore, stationed in the city would be to risk his honour 
with small chance of gaining any advantage. He now 
decided to dismantle the fortifications of the town, 
betaking himself to the mountains, while at the same 
time he gave instructions to the people of Tabriz that 
since they could not possibly defend their city they 
should, after making a treaty of peace, surrender it 
to the Turks. ‘The men of Tabriz, however, would 
not do this, being valiant folk, and they went on de- 
fending the city for a length of time. Othman Pasha 
had in the end to take Tabriz by force of arms, and, 
wroth at the long resistance that had been made him, 
granted free licence to his soldiers to sack the town: 
whereupon were seen such horrors as never before even 
a barbarous nation had perpetrated at the capture of 
any enemy city.’ 

Tabriz stands at the foot of mount Oronte,* which 
rises on its north side. It is distant eight days’ journey 
from the Caspian Sea, and to the south stretches all 
the whole land of Persia. With the mountains near 
the Caspian on the one hand, the city Stands in the fore- 

182 


FABRUZ + CLT Y 


front of Greater Media. Its inhabitants are for the 
most part merchants, and Tabriz is built at the spot 
where the East has passage to Syria, and where Europe 
with its numerous countries can best join commerce 
with the Orient. The climate is very cold, and snow 
lies here for a season of the year. The houses are built 
partly underground; most are low, few being of any 
height, but they are constructed of kiln-burnt brick, 
and thus have a fine appearance. Unfortunately, 
Tabriz had now a second cruel misfortune to suffer, 
for some of the Janissaries having been found murdered 
in their lodgings in one of the quarters of the town, 
Othman Pasha ordered his troops again to sack the 
city, when such and so many were the cruelties prac- 
tised by the Turk soldiers against the people that at 
last the women and children, in terror to escape alive, 
fled to the hills. Othman Pasha, while he was occupy- 
ing Tabriz, caused a fortress to be built, surrounding it 
with a ditch 30 feet across and a fathom deep. This 
fortress was defended by many pieces of cannon, anda 
strong garrison was left on guard. Thus for long years to 
come Tabríz remained in the power of the Ottomans. 
It might seem that there was anent Tabriz a difficult 
question to answer, and a matter which he who may 
read this book would fain have explained—namely, 
that seeing Tabriz to be a city of such great importance 
both to the kingdom and to the honour of the king, how 
came it that the Sháh Muhammad Khuda-Bandah, who 
was encamped with his army only twelve miles distant 
from the city, made no effort to succour the garrison 
and allowed Tabriz, undefended, to be taken by the 
enemy? The real cause of all this was the putting to 
death of Amir Khan, which has been related above, 
for he was the hero and chief of the Turkoman tribes- 
men, and the Turkomans are the only people of Tabriz 
and its province who are by nature warlike and 
capable of fighting. His being thus done to death 
183 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


made them so wrathful against the Sháh of Persia, that 
the king could never dare face Othman Pasha in the 
field, realizing that he had at his back these mutinous 

tribesmen, for he knew not but what some great dis- 
_ aster might through their treachery come to pass. 
Thus the king had to look on helpless, and even fearing 
for his personal safety, while he saw Tabriz fall. But 
when message was brought to him of the utter ruin of 
the great city, and the wretched fate of its inhabitants, 
the king, now furious with rage and grief, marched up 
against the Turkish camp, and despatched 600 horse- 
men, challenging and defying the Turks to come out 
and fight. On this Muhammad Pasha of Qara Amid 
and Cigala Pasha appeared at the head of 40,000 Turks, 
and the 600 Persian horsemen managed cleverly to 
lure them back to a place where Prince Hamzah was 
in ambush with 20,000 cavalry. These charging, 
fell on them with such vigour that the Pasha of Qara 
Amid took to flight, and Cigala Pasha alone stood his 
ground. ‘The Persians there, in hand-to-hand fight, 
showed clearly how superior they were to the Turks, 
for they at last put Cigala Pasha to flight, capturing 
many of his men. 

Prince Hamzah was so encouraged by this victory 
that he sent Othman Pasha his defiance to fight, army 
against army, and the Pasha took up the gauge. Now 
the prince had his camp at a place eight miles distant 
from the Turkish headquarters, being fearful on account 
of their superiority in artillery, for their cannon had 
wrought him much damage in the past, and hence the 
Turks had to march out this distance to the attack. 
Their battle front was under command of the Pasha 
of Qara Amid, and Cigala Pasha led the troops of 
“Iráq and Mesopotamia, the Pasha of Anatolia com- 
manded the left wing with the squadrons from Greece 
under his orders, while the right wing was given to 
Murad Pasha of Qaraman, who also led the Syrian 

184 


DON JUAN PRESENT 


troops. In all the Turks numbered about 70,000 
fighting men, and their camp followers had remained 
behind in Tabriz, being engaged in the search for 
treasure, buried, as was supposed, in the Mosques and 
in private houses. ‘The Janissaries also had remained 
behind on guard round Othman Pasha, who at this 
time was lying sick. The Turks came up to where 
Prince Hamzah was awaiting them at the head of 
40,000 excellent Persian troops drawn from all parts— 
namely, from the provinces of Mazandaran, Persian 
‘Iraq, and Shirván, and it was at this battle that I for 
the first time was present, fighting at my father’s side. 

The opposing armies immediately formed issue, and 
this indeed was one of the hardest fought engagements 
that ever took place between these two enemy nations. 
A great number of notable people lost their lives in 
this battle, more especially of the Turks, among the 
rest, Muhammad Pasha of Qara Amid, whose head 
Prince Hamzah caused to be cut off and stuck on a 
lance point. ‘The Pasha of Trebizond was killed, also 
the Commander of Brusa, with five commanders of other 
battalions, while Murád Pasha of Qaramán was taken 
prisoner, for he, while fighting, fell helpless into a ditch. 
Had the night not begun to come on, in truth nota Turk 
would have escaped alive, but the darkness forced Prince 
Hamzah to end the attack and retire with his army to 
where the blind king, his father, had remained in camp. 

Meanwhile, day by day Othman Pasha was 
getting worse in his sickness, and he therefore 
determined to begin his march back to Erzerúm. 
He gave the command of the new fortress at Tabriz 
into the hands of the Eunuch Ja‘far, the Pasha of 
Tripoli, making over to him the right to collect the 
tribute of Tabriz district during three coming years, 
also leaving with him a garrison of 12,000 men. The 
remainder of the Turkish army now marched out from 
Tabriz, and when they reached the place known as 

185 


DON JUAN OF"PERSMA 


Shenb Ghazán” [the Dome of Ghazan]—which is an 
ancient Mosque lying out in the countryside, crowning 
a height—the same being two leagues distant from 
Tabriz, Prince Hamzah caught them up with a body 
of 28,000 horse, and falling on their rear-guard plun- 
dered the baggage train. The advance guard of the 
Turks hearing what had come about, now opened on 
the rear-guard with their cannon, killing many, and 
our men, who were all inextricably mixed up with their 
troops, were soon forced to retire, but not without having 
inflicted on them a shameful loss. Indeed, it was 
afterwards known that this amounted to 20,000 men, 
which with their losses on the taking of Tabriz made 
the sum total of the Turkish casualties amount to 
70,000 killed in the Tabriz campaign. | eee 

Hardly had we Persians drawn off our forces, when 
news from the ‘Turkish camp was brought that Oth- 
man Pasha had died of his sickness, and though Cigala 
Pasha had tried to keep the fact unknown, to do so was 
impossible. On this Cigala Pasha came into the chief 
command of the Ottoman army, and we on the Persian 
side followed the retreating Turks all through the 
night with 14,000 horse, under command of Prince 
Hamzah. At dawn next day we again came up with 
them, but Cigala Pasha now had with him as his guides 
and counsellors the two Georgians—namely, David and 
Maqsúd Aga—who thoroughly understood our prince's 
method of attack, and the enemy, instead of being lured 
forth by our feints, remained stubbornly entrenched 
on the defensive. ‘The prince understanding the new 
state of affairs, now began to retire, and attempted to 
recross the stream of the Achi-Chay, over which he 
had just advanced to make his onslaught, but by 
reason of the rain-floods, he was caught at the freshet, 
and 3,000 men of the Persian army were drowned. 
Cigala Pasha thus escaped [and setting out on his 
homeward march reached Erzerúm in safety]. 

186 


CHAPTER IX 


As to what the king of Persia did to get back Tabriz into his power, and 
how he laid siege to the fortress, and what happened on the part of 
those who defended it; and the death of my father, Sultán ‘Ali 
Beg Baydt. 


By the aid of Maqsúd Aga and David Khan, who 
from their experience knew how to forewarn Cigala 
Pasha against the wiles of Prince Hamzah, the Turks 
managed to escape the ambuscade where the prince 
was lying in wait for them, and further were guided to 
pass safely across certain streams and swamps, from 
which otherwise none of them could possibly have 
escaped with their lives. ‘The Turks, in faét, of their 
good fortune escaped destruction, and further, as has 
been described at the close of the last chapter, they 
witnessed the discomfiture and death by drowning in 
one of these streams of more men of the Persian arms 
than ever they, the Turks, had slain in the five pre- 
ceding battles of the campaign. ‘Thus the Turkish 
army was left in peace to make its way back to Erzerúm, 
where the troops were disbanded, and the Viziers, 
Pashas, Commanders and Begs all returned to Con- 
Stantinople to give their report to the Sultan of what had 
taken place. Sultan Murad felt much regret at the 
death of Othman Pasha, for he had been a man of worth 
and great experience in war, especially in the campaigns 
against the Persians and Georgians. Rejoicings to 
celebrate this Ottoman victory were now set on foot 
in Constantinople, although there were not lacking 
those who murmured, for it was said that though the 
Sultan indeed was now lord of the Fortress at Tabriz 
by a deed of arms that had caused terror to the Persians, 
and the loss was to these a grievous insult, and also 


187 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


that the Turks were holding Tiflis in Georgia, yet to 
take and hold these two strong places had cost the 
Sultan so many lives, that in lieu of these public re- 
joicings, solemn dirges had better have been ordered 
for the soothing of the hearts of all the widows and 
orphans who were now thronging the Streets of 
Constantinople. 

In Persia, the Turkish army? having for the ‘time 
being retired, vacating the districts round ‘Tabriz, 
Shah Muhammad Khudá-Bandah and his son Prince 
Hamzah, although it was at this season mid-winter, 
sought to profit by the occasion; for they were fain to 
reinstate their reputation in the public mind, so dis- 
credited by the loss under their very eyes of this famous 
city, now lying for the most part in ruins. ‘The Shah 
with the prince therefore marched in, with so much of 
the Persian army as was to hand, and reoccupied the 
town quarters of Tabriz, the court establishing itself 
here, and the citizens who had escaped death and fled 
to the hills now returning to their homes. [Next the 
siege of the Turkish fortress was undertaken.] Here 
without, side by side, according to the military art, 
two immense siege-guns were set in position, and these , 
were of so huge a calibre as never before had been seen 
in Persia. ‘The two guns night and day bombarded 
the Turks; bastions with cavaliers built in between 
having been erected over against the fortress among 
the ruins of the former town quarter. The Turkish 
garrison of 3,000 men, however, appeared in no wise 
dismayed by these proceedings of the Persians, for, 
in the first place, they were all seasoned soldiers of 
much experience in war; and secondly, because, by 
order of the late Othman Pasha, there had been pro- 
vided in the fortress munitions and provisions sufficient 
to last for a three years’ siege, and the walls of the 
same were, in truth, of an immense strength. Noting 
the tenacity and valour of the besieged Turks, Prince 

188 


MB RIZSRORTRESS 


Hamzah now determined to construé and run a mine 
under the fortress, which should be filled and finally 
exploded. This work was begun, and the Turks knew 
nothing of it, for the Persians contrived to dig very 
secretly, and pushed the mine deeply, choosing their 
hours for work and using their tools with much caution, 
while at the same time, night and day, the two great 
pieces of artillery continued to bombard the fortress, 
thus distracting the attention of the Turks from what 
was going on below ground. 

Further, the destruction wrought by the two great 
guns prevented it being seen, by the besieged, what 
earth was being thrown up from below by the men who 
were digging the mine, for all the surface of the ground 
hereabout was now getting covered with fragments 
of stone from the effects of the bombardment of the 
walls. ‘These two cannon were of such size that the 
bore of each at the mouth spanned a yard? across, the 
length of the barrel being five yards. Thus the Turks 
never would have suspected what was going on at the 
place where the mine was being dug, had it not been for 
the treachery that unfortunately happened at this time 
on the part of two Persian officers of the royal army. 
One of these bore the title of Qurchi Bashi Khan,” he 
being the comptroller of the Royal Household-servants 
—and his title of Khan shows that he was a grandee of 
the kingdom—and the other traitor was Ja‘far Quli 
Beg, his brother-in-law. Now these two nobles had 
learnt of certain information which spies had given 
them, that the king Muhammad Khudá-Bandah and 
the prince had issued an order for them to be both put 
to death, but for what crime never was justly known, 
and therefore, having come of a surety by the news, they 
took occasion one night before dawn of day to leave 
the royal court, and escaping through the town pre- 
cinéts gained entrance to the Turkish fortress, seeking 
safety with the enemy of their country. To the 

189 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


garrison they then gave news of the mine which by 
the king's orders was being constructed, whereupon 
the Turks immediately began a counter-mine. Thus 
the advance of the Persian mine was soon blocked by 
stones and earthwork, while the whole of this side of 
the fortress was promptly strengthened, and they 
rebuilt a curtain of the great wall in this part, which 
had latterly been giving cause of anxiety. All these 
works were carried through with quickness and dex- 
terity on the part of the Turks, the Persians losing an 
infinity of men in ineffeétual attempts to prevent the 
building of this curtain, and in a vain Struggle to carry 
on the work of digging their mine. 

Prince Hamzah now realizing that the two traitors 
who had escaped to the fortress were the cause of his 
secret designs having become known—and thus his 
reasonable hopes now being frustrated of blowing up 
the Turks in their entrenchments—was filled with 
wrath and impatience. He tried next to carry the 
fortress wall by storm, with scaling ladders, in face of 
day, and though at first the Turks were somewhat 
taken aback by this unlooked-for assault, they rallied, 
and rushing on their assailants who were fixing the 
scaling ladders, began shooting down on them point- 
blank, fighting hand to hand from the loopholes and 
embrasures in the wall, also from the battlements and 
the cross-beams of the neighbouring houses. This 
open attack on the fortress lasted for six whole days, 
but seeing the very small advantage obtained, the prince 
at length ordered the retreat to be sounded. In this 
attack more than 6,000 Persians had been killed, some 
falling into the ditch off the scaling ladders, others 
being shot down by musket fire, whilst those who 
finally had climbed over the wall-top were easily 
slaughtered by the enemy within the fortress. 

My father, Sultán ‘Ali Beg Bayát, who was at that 
time in attendance on the king Muhammad Khudá- 

190 


piel AN “ALIS (BEG 


Bandah, now received the command from Prince 
Hamzah to make a quite different attempt, at the head 
of 300 chosen men of his own clan, whom at his personal 
expense had been armed and brought to the royal army. 
It was arranged that with his companions my father 
should one night, in the watch before dawn, secretly 
approach the fortress wall with a movable mantelet 
[or wooden tower borne on a platform running on 
wheels] which 200 pioneers were to work up to the edge 
of the outer ditch, where it would then overtop the 
cavalier or bulwark. This wooden tower was built 
up and protected by bags filled with earth nailed on 
outside; and it had an upper work so high that from it 
the square inside the fortress might have been over- 
looked; and from this upper piece a drawbridge with 
ropes could, at the proper moment, be let down over 
the parapet of the fortress wall. The whole of this 
machine was planked and protected by sandbags 
adjusted to serve their purpose. ‘The Persians were to 
make their attack on the enemy at dawn, as said above, 
before the Turkish sentinels who might be on guard 
should notice their coming. Then the 300 of our 
men-at-arms were to surprise and hold within the for- 
tress a certain tower which from that side overlooked 
the ditch, rising above the wall. This tower was in that 
part which faced the Persian siege guns, which last had 
been established below the houses of the town-quarter 
now held in force by the royal troops engaged in 
besieging the fortress. 

‘On the night in question my father Started, being 
carried forward with his men in the movable wooden 
tower but although the axles of the wheels under the plat- 
form had been well greased, and the tyres had been cased 
in cotton to muffle the sound, and the lights from the 
matchlock fuses, and priming horns, and cannon-vents 
had been all carefully masked, yet the Turks heard us 
coming, and before we could fetch up at the border of 


191 


DON JUAN. OF "PERSA 


the outer bulwark of the fortress they had beaten to arms 
within. Then they opened their attack on the tower and 
its platform with a Storm of musketryand fire-balls, while 
at the same time 700 Turks issued from the fortress 
by a postern gate that was in the bulwark at this point, 
and from thence, too, made their attack on us. My 
father, perceiving that matters had gone so far that it 
was impossible now to beat a retreat, and realizing 
that whatever happened this was a matter to gain little 
honour and less advantage, began to fight desperately, 
standing within the tower, for the press of the incoming 
Turks was such that to issue forth was not possible. 
When at length, however, he had managed to kill 
seven men of note among his assailants, besides two 
commanders and three Begs, he forthwith himself fell 
dead, pierced by numberless wounds. What indeed 
brought on the end the quicker, was the crushing in of 
the curtain of the parapet of our platform beneath the 
tower; for on this side the wheels below had been burnt 
by the fire-balls which had struck us. The enemy 
were yet forcing their way in across this parapet, 
which, falling back, crushed under its mass more than 
a hundred Turks whom our men were struggling to 
repel. This parapet wall here referred to was the 
obstacle that prevented me and the soldiers under my 
command from coming to my father’s aid, when I saw 
that I could not die defending him, as I gladly would. 
The Turks now began to desist from their attack on 
our tower, finding that the whole Persian army under 
command of the king and the prince was marching 
up to our support, and the day had already dawned. 
The Turks therefore retired within their fortress by 
the postern gate, which they immediately closed, but 
their loss had amounted to 200 men. 

Protesting and against my will they carried me 
before the king, who praised and sought to give me 
comfort, but I was in that state when all reason fails: 

192 


Pune AN MALIY BEG 


and yet the more so when I came to see that from the 
wall of the fortress the Turks were exhibiting, stuck on 
a lance point, my poor father’s head, thus further to 
insult and humiliate me, for his body in their brutal 
rage they had already burnt. The king and prince 
both did great honour to the memory of my father by 
what manner they spoke of him to me, and they made 
me a promise of future favour. Later Shah Muham- 
mad Khuda-Bandah, who had indeed loved my father, 
ordered a picture to be painted, representing him 
Standing above the bodies of the seven Turkish com- 
manders whom with his own hand he had slain, and 
this picture still may be seen placed above the door 
of one of the Mosques of Tabriz, that is dedicated to 
the honour of the great Amir Haydar, the father of 
Shah Isma‘il, who is held by us Persians to have been 
a saint. 


193 O 


CHAPTER X 


In which is recounted the arrival of the Turkomans at the king’s camp, 
and the troubles that arose from their coming. 


As we have already explained, Turkomania, the Turko- 
man country, is no province of the Persian Empire, nor 
is it the name of any city, wherefore we have not 
counted it as such among the other provinces [men- 
tioned in Chapter II of Book I]: but the Turkomans 
form a commune of very great importance among the 
other nationalities of the Persian kingdom, for they are 
a most valiant folk, and the number of their population 
is very considerable. Great importance often attaches 
to their views and actions, as was seen in what has been 
related in regard to the loss of Tabriz, where the fact 
that the Turkomans would grant no aid was the prime 
cause of the fall of that city. ‘This was by reason of 
their anger at their chief, Amir Khan, having been, 
they said, unjustly put to death. At the moment of 
which we are now speaking, though the Shah was still 
greatly vexed by their past defection at that critical 
juncture, he affected to have forgotten, hoping that they 
might patriotically be prompted to serve him, for their 
aid or support was of much import to him in the attempt 
on hand to turn the Turks out of the fortress of Tabriz. 
And it is to be remembered that the Turkomans were 
settled in great numbers in all the country round and 
about Tabriz, even as for us in Spain we see the Moors 
camped in all the communes that lie adjacent to Oran 
in Africa. 

The state of affairs therefore being at the moment as 
has been told in the preceding chapter, the Turks in 
great force occupying the fortress inside Tabriz, and 
our hope of ejecting them therefrom being but small, 


194 


THE TURKOMANS 


unexpectedly 40,000 Turkomans assembled under arms 
and marched up to encamp within half a league's dis- 
tance of the town walls of Tabriz. They were under 
the leadership of two of their principal chiefs, whose 
names were Muhammad Khan and Khalifah Khán,' 
, and their coming at first caused the greatest hopeful- 
ness to the Shah. To the besieged Turks, on the 
other hand, their arrival was a heavy blow, for they 
deemed them a mighty reinforcement to the royal 
army that was besieging them. The Turks, therefore, 
without delay came to the conclusion it were wise to 
petition for terms, and they sent an envoy to Shah 
Muhammad Khuda-Bandah and Prince Hamzah 
promising them that they, the Turks, would now 
deliver up the fortress, provided they were allowed to 
march out with their banners and war-drums and be 
given free passage to Sufiyán fort. ‘The negotiations 
being thus fairly set on foot and promising so well for 
the Persian cause, incontinently the bad faith of the 
Turkomans was made manifest, and what came about 
shall now be explained. 

Among the ‘Turkomans, as with many of the other 
semi-independent nations who were in name subjects 
of the Persian crown, it was customary of old that a 
son of the Shah should be given them to be, nominally, 
their governor and chief, thus to rule them indepen- 
dently. The Turkomans were still at that date 
wrathful at heart on account of the execution—as has 
been above narrated—of their beloved Amir Khan 
by the Sháh's order, and it was secretly now their 
intention to make an insurrection and attempt to 
kidnap Tahmásp Mirza, the king’s youngest son, who 
was with him at this time in the royal camp before 
Tabriz, being a lad about eleven years of age. ‘The 
better to mask their intended treachery, the Turkomans 
had given it out publicly that it was their feeling of 
honourable patriotism alone that had now led them to 


195 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


come in and offer their aid to the king, and that all 
ill-will on their part had been set aside and forgotten. 
On the very night of their arrival in camp, however, 
and after the Sháh had granted all their demands in 
full, three hundred of the Turkoman men-at-arms, of 
the most lawless and irresponsible of any found among 
them, under the leadership of Saqali Sultán, burst into 
the royal quarters at an hour when the sentinels were 
asleep. Also they had previously overpowered the 
main-guard of the army encamped within Tabriz city, 
for the Turkomans had managed to steal away all the 
lantern-lights from the guard-posts—which is in effect 
as though here in Spain the name of the Saint, which is 
the password for the night, had got to be known— 
and the kidnappers then made their way unopposed 
into the royal quarters. Here they killed most of the 
soldiers and door-keepers on duty, and seized in their 
arms Prince Tahmasp, to whom they spoke words of 
promise, which, though a mere child, he seemed to 
understand and so did not cry out. Next bringing 
him forth from the palace and the town, they betook 
themselves to their camp, accompanied by certain fellow- 
conspirators, who had been among the personal atten- 
dants of the young prince. 

The kidnapping party had brought off their attack 
on the royal quarters with only a loss of some fifty of 
their men, and the Turkoman chiefs Muhammad 
Khan and Khalifah Khan? joyfully received the captive 
prince. Forthwith orders were issued for the whole 
force of the tribesmen to set out on their march to 
Qazvin in battle array, at any moment prepared to 
repulse every attack. Great had been the confusion 
and alarm in the king’s quarters and in the royal camp, 
also in the city of Tabriz: on every side there was a 
calling to arms. ‘The Turkish garrison of the fortress, 
also imagining in their alarm that their last hour was 
come, “were preparing for the worst, some indeed 


196 


OAZVIN OCCUPIED 


proposing a plan to kill their Pasha and send his head 
in to Shah Muhammad Khuda-Bandah as a peace- 
offering. All quieted down, however, after a time, and 
men again took heart, and then it became known that 
the young prince had been carried off. ‘The Turko- 
man tribesmen reached Qazvin unmolested, and 
immediately gained possession of the royal capital— 
for such Qazvin was at that date—plundering, ravish- 
ing, and violating homes on all hands, occupying the 
city not as fellow-subjeéts of the king, but as though it 
had been an enemy-town given over to them to sack. 
I myself can bear witness to their evil ways, for in my 
father’s house there, into possession of which I had 
just come by inheritance, every kind of damage 
was done. The Turkomans next proclaimed Prince 
Tahmásp to be the new Shah of Persia, but making 
him do their bidding in all things, and they assembled 
a council of state, which forthwith assumed the govern- 
ment. The king’s nobles and loyal subjects were 
expelled the city, ediéts being proclaimed and enforced 
which terrorized the citizens. The ignorant folk of 
the commonwealth being totally misinformed on all 
public matters, none ventured any opposition or 
resistance to their doings, and the Turkomans even 
dared to coin new money [which is always held to be 
the prerogative of royalty] and the old coins were 
restruck with a punch which altered the arms and titles 
of the face. 

And all this was done at a distance of barely 
130 leagues from the king’s court. Never have I heard 
tell before of even the most rebellious of subjects having 
done such deeds against their lawful sovereign and 
natural prince as these men did. And forsooth, matters 
had to rest thus, for continual rains and snows now abun- 
dantly setting in, the Turkomans were able to remain 
for the incoming winter season unmolested at their 
quarters in Qazvin, where they proceeded to set up 


197 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


or to dismiss, turn about, all the officers of state. At 
last, however, when the spring came, Prince Hamzah, 
who all during the season of the rains and snows had 
been full of impatience, on the one hand seeing the 
Turks holding their fortress in Tabriz, and on the other 
hand having daily news of the insolent conduct of the 
Turkoman tribesmen, now at last, as soon as the month 
of March had set in, obtained his father’s licence, and 
the full approval of his council to proceed against 
the rebels. With 14,000 horse we marched forth, 
the prince at our head, and his highness had done me 
the honour of placing me in command of one of the 
squadrons. The Shah, Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, 
remained behind in Tabriz with 50,000 men, part 
infantry, part cavalry, with Toqmaq Khan Qáshlú 
and Imám Quli Khan Qájár as his lieutenants in 
command. Prince Hamzah reached Sultániyah, which 
is only 30 leagues from Qazvin, and there we rested 
and refreshed ourselves, men and horse, for it is a 
very rich countryside. 

We were joined here by Ja‘far Quli Khan, with his 
three brothers Nicheps Sultán, Shah ‘Ali Sultán and 
Bedel Sultán, who marched in at the head of 12,000 
horse and foot soldiers, and they had come to give 
their aid and support to the prince. All these were of 
the Bayát clan, being of my family, which same counts 
as of the best and most noble blood in Persia, and their 
joining us was a great satisfaction to me, for these four 
commanders were in fact my cousins in the second 
degree. Now the Turkomans, as soon as they had heard ~ 
of the approach of Ja‘far Quli Khan and his three 
brothers, had despatched an envoy to them, proposing 
that they should take part with them in their rebellion, 
and that they should give in their allegiance to Prince 
Tahmásp as Shah. The four Bayát Kháns being loyal 
subjects of their prince, answered not a word, they only 
issued orders that the envoy should be thrown head 

198 


NEON OF PRINCE HAMZAH 


foremost into a neighbouring swamp, whence he 
escaped half drowned, and returning to Qazvín, gave 
the Turkomans this answer of the Bayát nobles. It 
was at about that time also, but two or three days 
later, that Devlahar Khán also came in, joining up with 
10,000 horse and infantry, in support of the prince's 
cause, and these were all men well practised in warfare, 
being of a clan held in very high esteem throughout 
Persia known as the Curthasi Amanzir.® 

The prince, now finding himself at the head of some 
40,000 cavalry and infantry drawn from the various 
provinces faithful to him, resolved forthwith to march 
Straight on Qazvin, though he heard that the ‘Turko- 
mans there had been reinforced by a new contingent 
of 10,000 men. We thereupon started on our march, 
using much caution and by short stages, and on the 
first night out, as we were setting our camp, news was 
brought that 20,000 Turkomans were come out from 
Oazvín to surprise us with a night attack. We stood 
to our arms and were on the watch, every man ready to 
leap into the saddle should the word be given, but their 
patrols having discovered that we were thus ready and 
awaiting them, their approach perfeétly known to us, 
they forthwith began to beat a retreat. They made 
the dawn following, it is true, an ineffectual attack, 
skirmishing, but the main body of our men coming 
up, the Turkomans all suddenly disappeared from view. 
The next day, which was Friday, the whole Turkoman 
army came in view at early dawn, and as is the custom 
with us Persians they immediately sent their heralds 
to the prince to challenge us. We accepted their 
challenge, and the signal was given to attack, in which 
action, at first, we did not have the better part. 
Fortune, however, in the end changed and the victory 
was ours, to the which happy result an incident that 
I will now relate in no little part contributed. One of 
the servants of Khalifah Khan, the Turkoman chief, 


199 


DON JUAN: Ok WPERS GA 


was carrying a musket slung over his shoulder, and 
he was running along in front of his master when, 
without his hand touching the weapon, it went off, and 
by mischance shot Khalifah Khan dead. And but a 
short time before, under the eyes of all the Turkoman 
chiefs, our men had killed ‘Ali Paghman, a most valiant 
captain, and one in whose leadership the enemy had 
founded their main hopes of success. 

With these two casualties the Turkomans were now 
quite disheartened, and turning their backs fled from 
before us, the prince charging them home. The 
victory was complete, some 8,000 were slain, the heads 
of many leaders of importance were cut off, and among 
the rest Saqali Sultan was decapitated, he being the 
brother of that chief already so many times mentioned 
by us, the late Amir Khan. More than 3,000 captives 
were taken, and the young prince Tahmasp Mirza was 
delivered up to his brother, who despatched him as a 
prisoner to the Castle of Alamút.* Then, after his 
victory, Prince Hamzah entered and took peaceable 
possession of Qazvin, now his capital, lately that of 
the Turkomans. And I think I hear one who is 
reading this book asking for explanation of the reason 
as to how it came about that Qazvin, the most important 
city of Persia, was so easily taken and retaken by foe 
and friend in turn. Him, my reader, I would answer 
quoting the Spanish proverb: “The worst thief is 
he who is of the household.”” The immense population 
of Qazvin, as is the case with the population of every 
capital city in all countries, is made up from peoples 
of all parts, and the Turkoman tribesmen always had 
many friends and relations among them. ‘There were 
therefore as many hands to open the city gates to them, 
as there might have been to close these gates against 
them. This, too, is the reason why it is never possible 
to keep the secret of the court of one prince from the 
knowledge of those at the court of the prince his 

200 


TABRIZ ABANDONED 


neighbour, for the gate that for egress must be left 
unclosed in the city-wall of every king's capital is as 
the story related of the cutler who had his throat 
cut with the knife blade that was of his very own 
making. But I need not explain further these matters 
of State, and should be speaking prolixly, for wars in 
Persia are waged very differently to what we have any 
knowledge of in Spain, and there all things are alien to 
the politics of our western lands. 

To return therefore to the matters in hand: Prince 
Hamzah having re-established his government in 
Oazvín and chastised those of the population who had 
been in rebellion, marched out after a sojourn of two 
months, and returned to Tabriz, where he had left the 
king his father. We found him well, and still super- 
intending the blockade of the Turks in the fortress, 
but joining him, as will be easily understood, we took 
no rest whatever even for an hour from our recent 
labours of war. ‘The spring-time was now advanced 
and fine weather coming with it, but we gained neither 
ease nor good fortune, for the Turks in Tabriz were 
shortly after this reinforced by the relieving army, 
which unopposed by us marched in, numbering, it 
was said, upwards of 200,000 men. ‘The commanders 
were Sinán Pasha [otherwise known as Cigala] and 
Farhad Pasha, but Cigala was to hold the chief com- 
mand. At this time it became manifest to Shah 
Muhammad Khuda-Bandah and his son Prince Ham- 
zah that it would in the immediate future be impossible 
to hold the city quarters of Tabriz against this immense 
force of the Turks, and they resolved therefore, without 
further delay, to dismantle the town fortifications, and 
carry off the whole civil population, with as much of 
their goods and chattels as it was possible to remove 
to neighbouring places of security, and all-this was 
accordingly done. ‘The Persian camp was next broken 
up, and the army marched out, taking the road north 

201 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


to Ganjah [in Qarabágh], the king being accompanied 
by the youngest of his sons, Abu Tálib Mirzá. When 
we reached Ganjah, the news came of how the Turkish 
army had now occupied Tabriz, and how they had laid 
the whole of the town quarters in ruin, the fortress 
alone being left Standing, but the old city wall they had 
rebuilt. 

While he was sojourning in Ganjah Prince Hamzah 
made arrangements for the guardianship of his two 
sons, these young princes being the children of different 
mothers. This action was almost as though he had 
foreseen the sad event that was so soon to occur. Both 
his sons were still of very tender years, and their names 
were Isma‘il Mirzá Sultán and Haydar Mirza, and 
they were put under the guardianship and in ward to 
Esmi® Khan Shámlú and ‘Ali Quli Khan. While 
in camp at Ganjah, Imám Quli Khan Qájár came in at 
the head of a considerable body of men, a notable 
reinforcement to the king’s army, now under the 
supreme command of Prince Hamzah, though even 
with this augmentation it did not seem prudent to the 
prince to attempt any further action against the 
Turkish forces in occupation of Tabriz, and hence, it 
being now intended to return to Qazvin, the whole 
Persian army acting as convoy to the person of the 
king, with the court in attendance, all marched out of 
Ganjah. It was now the winter season of rain and 
snow, and our first day’s march took us in to camp at a 
place only three leagues from Ganjah, where we were 
under canvas, in tents, this short distance being all 
that we could come to by reason of the bad weather. 
It was in this camp that the terrible event occurred, the 
detail of which must be related in the following chapter. 


202 


CHAPTER XI 


Of the unhappy death of Prince Hamzah, and of many other consequent 
events which took place. 


Tue Turkish army, as we subsequently heard, had 
marched out from ‘Tabriz [leaving the fortress well 
garrisoned], after laying the city in ruins in such 
fashion that no one of its houses was left to mark that 
any town had ever been there; and nothing but a mem- 
ory of its former greatness remained. ‘The Turkish 
army now went north into Georgia, and indeed, had 
they marched to invade the territories of Qazvin and 
of Isfahan, judging the case by their present invasion 
of Georgia, the kingdom of Persia would have been 
put into a condition of the utmost stress. But for- 
tunately fortune never continues to favour only the 
one side; the chance now changed over, and we in the 
end came by our own. 

The disastrous happening [namely, the murder of 
Prince Hamzah] to which reference has been made at 
the end of the last chapter came about after this wise. 
No one is safe who has always to look to another for 
help, and princes least of all, for though their good 
fortune has given them riches and ease, they are by the 
very same obliged to depend for many services on hands 
not their own, and this is no small evil. Some think 
it is a grand matter to be always served by other hands: 
I say it is the greatest of misfortunes to be forced to 
depend, not on yourself, but on servants. Esmi 
Khan, of the Shámlú clan, as explained in the last 
chapter, now found himself promoted to be guardian 
and governor of the young prince Isma‘il Mirza 
Sultan, who was the eldest son of Prince Hamzah, and 
therefore in the second degree heir-apparent in the state, 

203 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


and Esmi Khán was in a way overset by the greatness 
of his position and the honours of his post. It seemed 
to him that his new charge might, and indeed should, 
lead to a more important office. For, from being the 
guardian of the heir-apparent, he might become the 
prime minister of the future king, the two offices not 
being dissimilar, and if the next step up could follow 
swiftly on the first, already so recently taken by him, 
then the power of all Western Asia might be controlled 
by his hands. From what I have been able to learn, 
there were in all fourteen Khans and great persons in 
this plot, all relations or connexions of Esmi Khan, 
he being the chief conspirator, and it was their 1n- 
tention to bring about the death of Prince Hamzah 
by the hand of a certain Khuda Verdi Dallak, and the 
word Dallák in Persian has, in the Spanish tongue,” 
the signification of “ barber.” 

Thus Khuda Verdi was indeed by office the king’s 
barber, being also groom of the chamber to the prince, 
and very intimately in his favour. The barber had in 
his possession an attested list with all the names of the 
conspirators. This had given him a sense of his own 
great importance in the plot, and he had undertaken 
to kill the prince that same night in camp, for he, the 
barber, slept in the ante-chamber of his tent. And so 
it all came about, for choosing the first watch of the 
night as most convenient, and after the close of a great 
supper party that had taken place in the royal pavilion, 
this murderous servant entered the prince’s sleeping 
apartment without being perceived, very quietly, and 
forthwith cut his master’s throat with all the skill of 
his barber’s art. Then, on going out by the door of 
the tent, he was asked by the guards what was doing 
for him to be leaving the royal precinéts at such an 
undue hour, and answered that his highness the 
prince had given him an important piece of business 
to despatch, and so went off to place himself for safety 

204 


PEN CE HAMZAH MURDERED 


under the protection of Esmi Khan, the chief con- 
spirator. At this moment, and while the barber was 
thus escaping from the royal tent, the old king Muham- 
mad Khudá-Bandah began to call aloud, which had the 
effect of turning out the main-guard. It was then 
immediately discovered that the prince had been 
murdered, and the news becoming public the whole 
army was soon in an uproar, everybody crying that all 
was lost. 

And this indeed would have been the case had “Ali 
Quli Khan and Esmi Khán, the two rivals, and the 
most powerful nobles in the State, come to a quarrel, 
with the army taking sides: which forsooth almost 
happened when ‘Ali Quli Khán, learning of the prince’s 
death, came further to know that the murderer had 
taken refuge with Esmi Khan, claiming his protection. 
The old king, however, managed to quiet the disorders, 
for he feared lest the Turks hearing of the matter 
should march in and, serving us in this case even as they 
had served us at Tabriz, bring ruin to the state. Since_ 
it was impossible to bring the prince back to life, 
all left for his father to do was to curse his evil 
fortune, and accept the fate that he could not elude. 
He immediately gave orders to have the barber found 
and brought before him, who forthwith would have 
shown the king the attested list of the conspirators 
which it had been his care to carry on his person, but 
Esmi Khan promptly struck him with his dagger in 
the mouth, an act indeed which was sure proof of who 
was the real traitor. The matter was thus hushed up, 
none being brought to justice, except this unlucky 
barber, whom the king now ordered to be burnt alive. 
As soon as matters had been brought to this peaceful 
issue, and the commotion assuaged among the troops, 
the army set out on its march to the city of Ardebil, 
bearing the body of the dead prince, for it is in this 
town that all the Sophi princes are buried—namely, in 

205 


DON JUAN: OF PERSON 


the mausoleum of the first great Sophi, Shah Isma‘il I, 
who its known as Shaykh Sophi, which is as much as to 
say, Sophi the Saint. His tomb is in a Mosque, which 
is a sanctuary to all the country round, and here daily 
more than a thousand poor persons are wont to be fed 
and alms are distributed at the expense of the king. 
The city of Ardebil was distant about 100 leagues 
from our camp where the prince had been murdered, 
and having regard to the ceremony proper to this 
royal funeral we marched at a very slow rate that 
proved most wearisome to the soldiers of our army. 
However, at last we reached Ardebil, and there com- 
pleted the burial rites, immediately on which the army 
set out for Qazvin. 

The old king had not been many days settled in 
his capital city of Qazvin, and before he had indeed 
recovered from the toils and troubles that had beset 
him, when news was brought in that ‘Ali Khan,” 
son of Muhammad Khan the Turkoman, had taken 
possession by assault of the town of Káshán, where 
he was committing every sort of evil deed, his 
Turkoman tribesmen, whom he had brought in 
from all parts of the country, plundering that city 
and all the neighbouring hamlets. Thus, although 
we with the old king were still mourning for the 
prince, we had to march out with the Shah at our 
head to combat them, and the arrangements for this 
expedition lacking due organization, our campaign 
against these Turkomans did not result in any very 
notable success to the royal arms. Matters were now 
getting into a most deplorable confusion throughout 
the whole land of Persia. ‘There was no king of whom 
the great nobles stood in awe. Many of the provinces 
were in open revolt, and hardly had one been brought 
under subjection than another would rise in arms. 
No sooner had we returned from Káshán, when we had 
to march on Isfahan, where Farhad Beg, the Georgian 

206 


FARHÁD BEG 


renegade, was at the head of an insurrection, and little 
could we accomplish here, for the rebels proved to 
be in great force and defied all our efforts. In short, 
there was not a Khán or a noble in command of troops 
who would obey the poor blind king; whereby this 1s 
_ the place to cite the lines of the well-known Castilian 
ballad: 

For none was deemed to be good Moor, 

Save who had given his lance thrust? 
[to wit, against his sovereign lord the king]. 

While we in the west were thus occupied ineffectually 
in putting down insurrection and trying to bring the 
provinces under control to the royal authority, in the 
east in the province of Khurásán matters were also 
in a State of anarchy. In Herat, as we have already 
explained, Prince “Abbds, young in years, was nominal 

overnor, but at that time entirely in the hands of 
“Ali Quli Khan, who held authority throughout most 
of that province. In Meshed Murshid Quli Khan 
was governor, and he was the declared enemy and rival 
on all points of ‘Ali Quli Khan, and though Meshed 
lay 100 leagues distant from Herat, each of these 
two men had already sent his defiance to the other. 
Both now were marching out to bring their differences 
to the trial of battle, Murshid Quli Khan having under 
his command 12,000 horse, and ‘Ali Quli Khan 20,000. 
Both were so eager for the fray that, coming in sight of 
one another, forthwith they brought their men to battle 
array and attacked. The fight was one of the most 
fiercely contested engagements ever seen in those parts, 
and as Murshid Quli Khan had the better disciplined — 
troops, though in number inferior to those of his rival, 
fortune turned in his favour: ‘Ali Quli Khan was 
completely vanquished, and Prince ‘Abbas changed 
over, coming now to be under the control of Murshid 
Quli Khan. As has been already explained, with the 
death of Prince Hamzah and with both his sons of an 

207 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


age, and indeed of parentage, considered not to be 
capable of succeeding [to the throne of their grand- 
father, the blind king], the heir to all the kingdoms of 
Persia was Prince ‘Abbas, who, as we have just seen, 
was now under the tutelage of Murshid Quli Khan. 
News of the death of Prince Hamzah and of the various 
rebellions in the western province had only very recently 
become known in Khurásán, but Murshid Quli Khan 
felt that he had nothing in the immediate future to 
fear, having entirely got the better of “Ali Quli Khan, 
and having Prince ‘Abbas at his side, resident under 
his very eye in Meshed. 

In Qazvin, the Kháns and great nobles being very 
weary of the confusion under which the kingdom lay, 
now took counsel together and resolved on despatching 
envoys immediately to Prince ‘Abbas, beseeching him 
of his grace to come to them forthwith, and promising 
that they would publicly recognize his rights to the 
kingship. Further they pointed out that any delay in 
coming would be highly prejudicial to the State, for 
the king his father was now entirely incapacitated 
from governing, being blind and old, so that his 
position at the head of affairs was an obstacle to all 
good government, and a matter prejudicial to the 
settlement of the kingdom. When the envoys had 
come and set all these things clearly before Prince 
‘Abbas, he, prompt in action, immediately, with no 
great escort, rode in from Meshed to Qazvin, leav- 
ing his orders for Murshid Quli Khan to follow on 
with a considerable army. As soon as the news 
became known at the palace in Qazvin that Prince 
‘Abbas was come—and on his arrival before the city 
gate all the people had flocked out to welcome him— 
the Khans and Begs with scarce an exception, also the 
other commanders present at court, all immediately 
hurried to the house where the prince had taken his 
lodging, so that indeed hardly one remained behind in 

208 


PRINCE ‘ABBAS 


attendance on the old blind king. All gave in their 
allegiance to the prince, recognizing him as their lord 
and master, he being in the prime of his youth to hold 
power: and forsooth, as it is commonly said, what is 
novel, ever pleases. Many were now the councils 
called and held by the chief nobles and Khans. It 
was agreed that all men should combine and help the 
government, forgetting their former enmities, and 
their rivalries must be laid aside, lest civil war should 
continue bringing ruin to the state: for many indeed 
were the heads that had fallen already, and numberless 
had been the victims of the party feuds. 

Thus it was agreed that weapons of war were to be 
laid aside, all were to join, enemies were to become 
friends. ‘Then the nobles in a body presented them- 
selves before the old blind king at the palace, and 
with many protestations of their respect and obedience 
brought him out, together with some twenty-eight of 
his Kháns and commanders, who were found there in 
attendance on him. They forced both the king and 
these men to come and wait upon the prince, whereupon 
the old king embraced his son the prince, and delivered 
over to him the sceptre and crown of the empire. Then 
all present acknowledged the prince for their king and 
lord, paying him their homage by kissing his hand, 
and 'Abbás Mirza immediately assumed the Style 
and title of Shah *Abbás—for Shah in Persian has 
the signification of king. The new monarch now 
took into his service to form his bodyguard 12,000 
Georgians, renegades [who had become Moslems], and 
proceeded with his reforms in the military.government 
and civil administration: although indeed at this date he 
was yet but a youth, being little more than fifteen years 
ofage.* Then at length there was peace throughout the 
land, for such was his prudence and the favour accorded 
him, that all the provinces gave in their obedience and 
the neighbouring potentates paid him their respect. 

209 P 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Now on the first day when, as described above, the 
ceremonies of swearing allegiance to the new monarch 
had been completed, Shah “Abbas gave command that 
on the following day all the Khans and commanders 
should attend him at his palace in the garb of peace 
and unarmed, since he wished to consult them and 
arrange for the establishment of a Divan, or Grand 
Council of State, to ensure the pacification and due 
administration of the kingdom. ‘The next morning 
therefore the nobles all assembled as commanded, but 
Shah ‘Abbas had secretly instructed his bodyguard 
of Georgians to hold securely all the issues of the 
Streets that opened on the square round the palace. 
When the Kháns and the commanders now entered 
the royal presence they found Shah ‘Abbas seated on 
his throne, and on his right hand sat his father, the old 
blind king Muhammad Khuda-Bandah. Then Shah 
‘Abbas forthwith put a question to the assembled 
nobles—namely, what was the punishment due to him 
who had killed his prince? ‘To this question those 
who felt themselves to be most guilty gave as little 
possible any reply, while those who felt at ease in 
their consciences loudly proclaimed their judgment, 
some opining for one form of punishment, others 
declaring for another and a Sterner penalty. In the end, 
however, all agreed unanimously that the servant who 
had compassed to slay his prince was worthy of death. 
No sooner had this sentence been pronounced than, 
Shah “Abbás making a sign to his bodyguard, the 
Georgians fell upon those present in the palace hall, 
slaying among them all the conspirators without 
exception, after which twenty-two of their heads stuck 
on the points of lances were exhibited from the palace 
windows to the populace below, a sight of terror that 
struck awe into the hearts of the boldest and most 
arrogant. 

The king’s anger did not even halt here, for sending 

210 


SO A AS 

for his two younger brothers, Tahmásp Mirzá and Abu 
Tálib Mirzá, he commanded them forthwith both to 
be blinded, and then consigned them as prisoners to the 
strong castle of Alamút. It was at about this same time 
that “Ali Khan the Turkoman and Farhad Beg, who, 
as has been related above, were the two commanders 
who had rebelled [against Shah Muhammad Khudá- 
Bandah] in Káshán and Isfahan, came in to pay their 
allegiance and kiss the hand of Shah ‘Abbas. The 
king accepted very graciously their submission, but 
immediately afterwards ordered that they should both 
be beheaded. Shah ‘Abbas, to remove all doubt as to 
who was now the master of the kingdom, persuaded his 
father, the old king, formally to abdicate in his favour,” 
and thus, though his accession and his assumption of 
command throughout the kingdom of Persia had caused 
some searchings of heart among the older nobles of the 
court, matters now were settling themselves in the 
capital and none there dared to think even of rebellion 
or opposition to his will and command. 


211 


CHAPTER XI 


In the same is narrated the campaigns which the king Shah ‘Abbas under- 
took agains the rebels.—Also of the death of Sultan Murad III, 
with the accession of his son, Sultan Muhammad III, to the Ottoman 
Empire.—How Shah‘ Abbas changed the seat of government and the 
Court from Qazvin to Isfahán. 


ALTHOUGH, as we have just remarked, at his court 
and in the immediate vicinity of the king all feared him 
for his exemplary punishments meted out to all those 
who opposed his commands, yet there were many 
whose abode was not near at hand, especially some 
among the relatives of the men the king had put to 
death, and some among the viceroys and governors of 
far-off provinces, who began now to rebel, for they 
declared that this new king, Shah ‘Abbas, was to them 
naught but the public enemy of the realm. This 
defiance Shah ‘Abbas, in all the glory of his youth and 
pride of empire, could not stomach; but first taking 
counsel of Murshid Quli Khan, who was at that time 
his confidential adviser, the king determined [in order 
to free his hands in one quarter] to send his ambassador 
to Constantinople, seeking to arrange a treaty of peace 
with Sultan Murad, although to many so to do appeared 
a derogatory act implying his submission to the Turk. 

The Persian ambassador chosen, who was Qara 
Hasan Khan,* a noble to whom one of the king’s 
nieces had been given in marriage, found on arrival 
at Constantinople that the Ottoman Government 
would only consent to make peace with Persia on certain 
most harsh terms—namely, that the Sultan should 
remain peacefully possessed of all those lands, formerly 
included in the Persian kingdom, that his armies had 
overrun and conquered during the late campaigns, 

212 


Pati EA CIS TRE ATTY 


and that in future the river Araxes should be con- 
sidered the boundary dividing the Ottoman Empire 
from the kingdom of the Shah. Further, it was only 
merchants and traders or ambassadors who might cross 
this boundary river, and under pain of death no armed 
soldier, Turk or Persian, should overpass it. To this 
treaty finally the Shah and the Sultan put their hands, 
pledging their word of honour, and each protesting 
himself ready to forfeit his reputation should he fail 
to carry out the treaty in all its terms, and that he 
should of right then be considered none otherwise than 
as a perjured traitor incapable of nobility of aét or 
deed. ‘Thus was the treaty sworn to, and of it two 
formal copies were made public, one in Constantinople 
signed in the presence of all the viceroys of the Porte, 
the other in Qazvin before all the Persian Kháns and 
commanders. Thereto also was this stipulation 
annexed among the rest, that Shah ‘Abbas should send 
to Sultan Murad, as a hostage in pledge to reside at 
Constantinople, his nephew, Sultan Haydar Mirza, 
the second son of his dead brother Prince Hamzah, and 
the young man was forthwith despatched thither under 
charge of Khan Muhammad Quli Khalifah.? 

The treaty with the Turks being therefore finally 
concluded [and his north-western frontier safe- 
guarded], Shah ‘Abbas brought together a force of 
some 30,000 infantry and marched forth out of Qazvin, 
the cause for this his first campaign being as follows. 
Among the Khans and nobles present in the palace 
of Qazvín on the day following the king’s accession, 
when, as has been related in the preceding chapter, 
twenty-two traitors of their number had been sum- 
marily executed, some of the remaining disaffected 
nobles had managed to escape death, and among these 
were the three following: Muhammad Sharif Khan, 
Sultan Mahmtd and A‘zam Beg Colgachi. These 
three Khans had since fled, taking refuge with Khan 

213 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Ahmad, prince of Gilán, Bast and Guesher, which are 
provinces and districts lying on the southern shore of 
the Caspian Sea. This prince, Khan Ahmad, had been 
married to a sister of the late king Sháh Muhammad 
Khudá-Bandah, and the province being tributary to 
the Persian crown was assessed to pay yearly about a 
million gold pieces to the royal treasury. Shah ‘Abbas 
had immediately sent demanding of the prince of Gilán 
that the three rebel Kháns who had fled to him should 
be delivered up, but Khán Ahmad had refused; further, 
he at the same time had declined to pay the tribute 
now due from him, and Shah ‘Abbas was filled with 
wrath by this insult and aét of rebellion. The pro- 
vince of Gilan is a very mountainous and impassable 
land, where horses are of little use for transport, where- 
fore it was infantry only that the king could take with 
him, and their number on this campaign was as has 
been stated above. All, from the greatest noble to 
the meanest camp-follower, must go on foot, and for 
their convenience of wear an immense supply of foot- 
gear had been provided—namely, shoes made of cow- 
hide of the sort there known as “ Charuk.” The king 
himself wore these to set the example, marching thus 
at the head of his troops, we all following in his foot- 
steps. 

Thus we proceeded, and in twelve days covered the 
50 leagues that separate Qazvín from Gilán. Khan 
Ahmad and his nobles meanwhile had not been 
resting unconcerned, for they were well informed of 
our march: by orders given great trees had been cut 
down and laid so as to block the roads and passes, 
where further many an ambush had been set with 
arquebus-men in wait to oppose us. All opposition, 
however, was unavailing, and our troops marched in 
to Gilán, with, it is true, a loss of some of our men, 
though not as many as might have been expected. 
The rebels were indeed in no case effectively to oppose 

214 


GILÁN 

us, for Shah ‘Abbas had sent on as the vanguard, 
preceding the main body of our troops, a regiment under 
orders of Shaykh Ahmad, who was the chief magis- 
trate of his court, being his superintendent of police, 
and all these men were dressed in scarlet, from the shoes 
on their feet to the plume in their caps, this being with 
us Persians the uniform of the executioners of the 
king’s justice. These men, therefore, having come to 
a town called Nohum, put 10,000 of its inhabitants to 
the sword, of whom more than half were women and 
children, and seizing on the wife of the governor of 
the town, who had fled, they burnt her alive, she being 
a most beautiful woman. 

We of the main army had meanwhile arrived in 
Gilan, coming in by roads and passes for the most 
part unfrequented or forgotten, and no sooner was 
Khan Ahmad, the prince of Gilán, informed of our 
coming than he decamped with all his court, abandon- 
ing his capital, which same is the great city of Lahijan, 
as we have stated in Book I, Chapter II of this work. 
He left the city fortifications completely dismantled, 
and had carried off with him his treasure, also a very 
beautiful Georgian slave-girl of whom he was deeply 
enamoured, she having been recently bought by him 
at the price of 10,000 crowns. ‘The prince of Gilán 
and his suite proceeded to embark at a port on the 
Caspian Sea that was in his dominions [and landing 
on the coast beyond to the westward travelled across 
Georgia to the Euxine, where] he took ship for Con- 
Stantinople. After his flight all the cities of the 
province of Gilan submitted to Shah “Abbas, who now 
returned back to Qazvin joyful and victorious, having 
left a garrison of 12,000 Persians in Gilan under the 
command of Mahdi Quli Khan Shamlu, who had been 
named governor. Shah ‘Abbas in his train brought 
home the princess his aunt, whom her husband, the 
prince of Gildan, had abandoned in his flight. We 

215 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


thus re-entered Qazvin, but had little time for repose, 
before two months were past news coming in that the 
prince of Luristán, called Shah Verdi Khan, was now in 
revolt. 

This prince, who had married a niece of Shah “Abbas, 
she being a daughter of Prince Isma'il,? yearly, as re- 
gards the province of Luristán, had been assessed for 
tribute to the amount of 50,000 ducats. Now the 
cause of his rebelling was that Shah “Abbas at the time 
of his accession as king of Persia had sent him no 
invitation to be present, although he, Shah Verdi, 
was so nearly connected by marriage with Shah ‘Abbas. 
Further, at this moment the Turkomans and the 
Tartars [his near neighbours, who were already in 
insurrection] had sent urging him boldly to refuse all 
payment of tribute, which thus advised he did, though 
the princess his wife sought most urgently to dissuade 
him therefrom. He, however, was no longer to be 
restrained from his folly, and in place of taking the 
counsel she offered, gave her a great buffet on the 
face, an insult so vile that to avenge it the princess 
secretly informed her uncle, Shah “Abbas, of all the 
plans of the rebels. ‘The Shah now called out 30,000 
horse, and, without telling us of our destination, in 
eight days led us the 150 leagues towards the south- 
west, which is the distance between Qazvin and Khur- 
ramábád, the capital city of the princes of Luristan. 
Of our approach Shah Verdi Khan had thus no warning 
until we were at his gates. We had reached a moun- 
tain pass on his frontier where he kept stationed a 
guard of a hundred men to hold the same, to whom the 
coming of our army was a great surprise, and one of 
the guard immediately went off to tell the prince of 
Luristan of his danger. Shah Verdi’s only guerdon 
for the warning brought him was then and there to 
cut off the messenger’s head. 

Next taking his wife and his treasure, he fled from 

216 


DURISTADN? 


his capital, seeking asylum with the Turks at a place 
they held in garrison some twelve leagues this side from 
Baghdad. We on arrival, therefore, at Khurramábád 
found that Shah Verdi had escaped us, and all the people 
of the cityhad also fled, seeking shelter in the hills round 
and about. Shah “Abbas now therefore despatched 
one of his commanders named Allah Verdi Khan in 
pursuit of the prince, at the head of a body of 12,000 
Georgian troops, all of them renegades for they had 
embraced Islam, abandoning Christ, and these carried 
out their orders so discreetly that coming to that town, 
garrisoned by the Turks, they craftily burnt down its 
gates, but this without doing the Sultan’s troops any 
other harm—and thus technically avoided a breach of 
the peace treaty Still in force between Persia and the 
Ottoman Empire. ‘This done they entered, seized 
on the person of Shah Verdi and brought him back 
with the princess his wife to Shah ‘Abbas in Khurra- 
mabad, who immediately ordered his execution. ‘The 
princess, however, being the king’s niece was honour- 
ably treated, a pension for her maintenance was granted 
her, and Husayn Beg, who throughout had been a 
faithful servant to Shah “Abbas, was appointed governor 
of the Luristan country, he also having formerly been 
one of the servants of the late prince Shah Verdi. On 
this we all returned again to Qazvin, but as we entered 
the city by one gate, by another gate came news of 
further rebellion—namely, now in the province of 
Mazandaran, which lies on the borders of Tartary, 
while on the one part its frontier extends along the 
shore of the Caspian Sea. 

Here the reigning prince went by the name of 
Bengi Melik [but this was his nickname, for] it 
signifies the mad, drunken king,* and the title 
had been given him because he was of disreputable 
life and morals. Resolved no longer to pay the 
usual tribute, he had now rebelled, and though, 

217 


DON JUAN OOP PERS 


as we have said, he was a man of evil living, he was 
none the less a skilful soldier in the battle-field. The 
king Shah ‘Abbas did not intend in this case to march 
against him in person—for what reason I do not well 
know—and therefore sent as his deputy in command 
the Chief Comptroller of the Royal Household, who 
is known with us Persians as the Qurchi Bashi, and who 
was a noble of the Qájár clan.? He therefore marched 
out of Qazvin, at the head of an army of 50,000, and 
passed the whole of the following winter in Mazandaran 
occupied with the siege of a certain fortress there, in 
which Bengi Melik had safely ensconced himself. 
This, however, was by means of a most cunning fraud, 
such as only a crafty man might plot to use, and the 
plan of which is worthy of being fully explained. 

The prince Bengi Melik had caused to be built on 
the summit of a high mountain in those parts a castle 
very marvellous for strength, in outward appearance, 
with many bastions and towers, but entirely constructed 
of woodwork, mere thin planks being used, and these 
were then coated over with gypsum. This was done 
with such art and skill that the whole castle appeared 
to be actually built of solid stone, and anyone would 
have had to touch the walls with his hand to discover 
the fraud. Now the Qurchi Bashi who was besieging 
the castle had no cannon with him, for in the armies of 
the king of Persia little or no field artillery was then 
commonly in use. The castle to all appearance 
therefore was inexpugnable, except by assault, and this 
the Persian commanders did not care to attempt, being 
threatened and kept off by the arquebus-men on the 
castle walls, and by certain small pieces of ordnance 
which Bengi Melik had got together and placed in 
position. ‘Thus he held the Qurchi Bashi in check for 
the whole of that winter season with this fraud, the 
Persians blockading the castle, and hoping in the end 
to starve out the garrison. And so matters might or 

218 


BENGI MELIK 


might not have come totheissue, but that, as it happened, 
one of Bengi Melik's men managed for private reasons 
to get away from the castle, and from him the Qurchi 
Bashi learnt of the trick that had been played him. 
Making his way very secretly one dark night up to the 
castle walls he convinced himself of what material they 
really were made, and then took his time to set these 
planks on fire, when Bengi Melik rushing out was 
taken prisoner. He was forthwith beheaded by the 
Ourchi Bashi, who had been thus put to shame, and was 
very wroth at the trick that had been played upon him. 
On his return to Qazvin he was indeed much laughed 
at, songs being sung about the Qurchi Bashi’s siege of 
the impregnable castle—so that for a long time he did 
not dare appear at court. 

This jesting, however, was but of short duration, for 
“Ali Beg, the prince of Astarábád [which is a district 
that lies near the south-eastern corner of the Caspian 
Sea] and who till then had been tributary subject to 
Shah ‘Abbas, now declared himself independent, 
declining to pay his subsidy. Shah ‘Abbas in this 
case marched immediately against him in person with 
30,000 horse, but unfortunately I, being at the time 
sick, could not take my part in the campaign. Accord- 
ing to the one account that I heard, ‘Ali Beg was taken 
prisoner at the first attack; other reports give it that 
he came in of his own accord pleading for pardon. 
Whichever of the two be the faét of the case, what 
happened in the result was that Shah ‘Abbas ordered 
him forthwith to be blinded, and then after appointing 
one of his commanders to be governor of the Astarabad 
distriét, which on the one side marches with the Tar- 
tar border-land, the Shah with his victorious army 
came back to Qazvin. 

In previous chapters we have more than once spoken 
of the great power and state of the Tartar nation [who 
are now commonly known as the Uzbeks], and whose 

219 


DON SUAN OP LER Sia 


princes are the descendants of the great Tamerlane 
or Timur Beg, whose race went back to Chingiz 
Khan: and his name is said to mean the All-Highest, 
or the Highest above All. Now at the time when in 
Persia Shah ‘Abbas came to the throne, the monarch of 
the Uzbek 'Tartars was ‘Abd-Allah Khan, and his 
custom was to make, ever and anon, raids over all the 
frontiers that bounded his lands. He now noting that 
Shah ‘Abbas for the most part was taken up with many 
campaigns against his rebellious subjeéts—as we have 
described in the foregoing pages—forthwith proceeded 
to plunder the neighbouring provinces of the kingdom 
of Persia on his border. The Tartar hordes overran — 
the whole of Khurásán, taking possession of thirty- 
two of its towns, including the capital city, which 1s 
Herat. Here they killed ‘Ali Quli Khan Shámlú, 
the governor, who was holding the place with a garrison 
of 6,000 Persians, but these men sold their lives dearly. 
From Herat to Meshed is a distance of 100 leagues, 
and thither the Uzbeks passed on. Here it is that 
he whom the Shi‘ah Moslems especially honour as 
a Saint lies buried, a descendant of the Caliph “Ali, 
called the Im4m Rizá, and to his shrine, as we have 
said elsewhere, the Persians from many leagues round 
are wont to come barefoot in pilgrimage. It may 
also be mentioned that there is here a small turret, the 
same being of about the height of a pike-Staff and its 
half, or something over, which is built entirely of 
massive gold. On its summit are arches constructed 
of precious stones, which in turn support at their 
summit a diamond of the size of a large chestnut, and 
this by night shines so as to be seen at a league distance 
all round illumining the darkness. I would not 
mention this marvel but that I, with my very own eyes, 
have seen it. 

At Meshed ‘Abd-Allah Khan the Uzbek found 
Ismet Khan of the Ustájlú clan, he being the Persian 

220 


MESHED SACKED 


governor and viceroy of Khurásán, and for three months 
he most valiantly defended the city. The Tartars, 
however, in the end effected an entry, though it is 
reported that they had lost 200,000 men during the 
siege. ‘Thus at last taking possession, ‘Abd-Allah the 
Uzbek was guilty of great cruelty, for by his command 
all the chief Persians were assembled together and shut 
up in the Great Mosque and its courts, and, said he, 
for the sake of the holy Imám Rizá he would grant 
them their lives. When, however, all had been 
assembled, and their number amounted to over 
40,000, they being thus shut in, by the orders of the 
Uzbek chief every man of them was put to death. 
News of these events was brought to Shah “Abbás, who 
was at the time in Qazvin making arrangements for 
transferring his capital from Qazvin to Isfahan. But 
the matter in hand the Shah forthwith abandoned, being 
resolved immediately to march out and take vengeance 
of the Uzbeks for this great cruelty and affront that 
they had put upon him. Now the king at this instant 
found himself in straits for funds and he knew not 
where to turn for money to pay the troops.  Verily 
gold 1s the nerve and the true motive power of war: 
he who has money will always find soldiers. In this 
matter I speak as one having experience, and shall 
mention the wise saying which I myself once heard 
quoted by our king Shah “Abbas, and indeed it was on 
this very occasion. Now at the moment, as mentioned 
above, finding that there were no funds in the treasury 
for the said campaign, he had given command that 
forthwith all his service of plate should be melted 
down, for indeed, of the whole world his store of silver 
and gold vessels was the richest of that of any prince. 
Three times the order was given, and thrice over his 
chamberlains delayed to carry it out: whereupon the 
Shah asked why, and was answered that 900,000 ducats 
had been the cost of its making, and all this would be 
221 


DON JUAN OF "PERS 


wasted. None the less, said the king, it must all go 
to the melting-pot and be used to pay the soldiers, thus 
to content them, for said he: “ My father the blind 
king Muhammad Khudá-Bandah was heard often to 
repeat the saying that good pay had brought about 
as many or more victories as ever good fortune had 
alone accomplished.” After this all his vessels of plate 
were melted down and coined into money, whereby 
80,000 horse were got together and equipped. Then 
we marched on Meshed. 

The Tartars, however, no sooner had news of our 
coming than they took their departure, and we returned 
bootless to Qazvin without having accomplished any- 
thing against them. But when we were back safe in 
the capital once more, the Uzbek Khán made another 
raid at the head of 200,000 of his Tartars, this time 
laying siege to Turbat-i-Haydari [a town lying some - 
distance to the south of Meshed], where Muhammad 
Khan Bayát was governor. For a month or more he 
valiantly kept back the Tartar hordes, and indeed in 
his sallies from the fort killed over 30,000 of them, 
but every day more Uzbeks coming to join in the siege, 
it appeared a prudent act to come to terms with the 
enemy. Muhammad Khan agreed to give up the 
town, and the Persians were allowed by the capitulations 
to march out with banners flying and beating their 
kettle-drums. None the less, Shah ‘Abbas on hearing 
of the event was far from being satisfied, and but that 
Muhammad Khan Bayát had good friends at his back 
in Qazvin to plead his cause, he would have lost his 
head. In the end, however, the king pardoned him 
for what indeed he had been forced by circumstance 
to do. 

For a period of nearly eight years that followed there 
was constant war waged by Shah ‘Abbds against 
“Abd-Allah Khan and the Uzbek Tartars. Time after 
time we recovered most of the province of Khurásán 

222 


SULTAN MUHAMMAD III 


from them, but they in turn would overrun it again 
and occupy some of its outlying distriéts. Nor was 
Shah “Abbás to be prevented more than once sending 
his personal defiance to ‘Abd-Allah Khan, calling on 
him to come out at the head of his men and let there be 
a pitched battle, or else let the two monarchs alone 
combat as champions, man against man. Either way 
it would be a fight worthy of kings, said Shah ‘Abbas, 
whereas these raids and retreats were but robber 
skirmishings. ‘The Tartar prince, however, always 
gave answer that his forbears had ever fought after 
this fashion, and he did not propose to change the im- 
memorial custom of his people. Thus, therefore, for 
the time mentioned this border warfare continued, 
until at last death brought ‘Abd-Allah Khán's vain- 
glories and boastings to a close. Then by good 
fortune his son [‘Abd-al-Muimin, who succeeded him] 
followed him also to the tomb a few months later. On 
one head I can as a witness testify, that during the 
seven and a half years, or thereabout, during which 
these wars continually went on, more than fifty impor- 
tant campaigns were undertaken by Shah ‘Abbas, 
and I myself was present in twenty-two or twenty-three 
of them: and I shall not be wrong in my estimate that 
counting both sides, Persians and ‘Tartars, more than 
a million men must have perished on the battle-field 
during these years. 

After the death of the Uzbek ‘Abd-Allah Khan many 
notable events succeeded. Shah ‘Abbds being now 
rid of his chief enemy was at leisure to establish order 
in the affairs of his government and kingdom, the more 
so that at about this same date Sultan Murad III died 
in Constantinople, his son Muhammad III succeeding 
him, who at the moment of our writing these pages 
is still the reigning Sultan of the Ottoman Empire. 
Thus on either frontier north-west and north-east 
of Persia the domestic affairs of the Turks and the 

23 


DON JUAN’ OF- PERSIAN 


Tartars gave promise of rest from attack, for Sultan 
Muhammad III showed every sign of wishing that the 
capitulations of the peace treaty should hold good, to 
which many years before his father, Sultan Murad III, 
had put his hand in concert with Shah “Abbas. Shah 
‘Abbas now found himself at liberty to attend to the 
building of many edifices that he was planning, and at 
this period he went on a visit of filial respect to the 
tombs of his ancestors at Ardebil. At this same time 
new laws and institutions were promulgated, and then 
came the changing of the capital from Qazvin to Isfa- 
han. Isfahdn was the chief city, as we have said, of 
the province of Persian ‘Iraq, which of old had been 
Parthia; and the same possessed a more convenient 
situation than was the case with Qazvin, for a great 
capital with a growing population such as now was 
gathering into the central metropolis of Persia; and the 
districts round Isfahan, so broad and fertile, were fully 
capable of viétualling all the inhabitants of the new 
capital. 

While, however, we were thus resting from our 
labours in war and establishing ourselves in our new 
quarters, Talim Khan® had become chief of the Uzbek 
Tartars, having lately succeeded to the supreme power 
on the death of his uncle, ‘Abd-Allah Khan aforesaid. 
This Talim Khan was a youth very desirous of making 
a name for himself, and he set forth to war having no 
wise counsellors to put a check on his ambitious ardour. 
Having therefore assembled a force of 300,000 Tartars, 
he proceeded to invade Khurásán, where no sufficient 
body of Persian troops to resist such an onslaught of 
raiders was stationed. Tálim Khán was soon in 
occupation of the whole province, establishing his 
residence in the city of Herat. Shah ‘Abbas by this 
time was becoming weary of peace, and on learning 
of these events in the Khurásán province immediately 
despatched Farhad Khan, the general then most in 

224 


TALIM KHAN 

his favour, at the head of 12,000 cavalry to oppose the 
Tartar inroad. Farhád Khan tried by every means 
in his power at first to avoid making his attack on the 
enemy, but finding himself at last face to face with the 
Tartar force, he turned his back on them and fled. 
Shah ‘Abbas on learning of this cowardice was secretly 
angered, but as was proper, showed no dismay or out- 
ward displeasure. He now assembled a force of 
100,000 cavalry in order to march in person against 
Talim Khan: and in this campaign I myself took part, 
together with my friend ‘Ali Quli Beg—who, as will 
be told later, afterwards accompanied me to Spain, 
where, subsequently at his baptism, he received the 
name of Don Philip of Persia—and both of us now by 
Shah “Abbas were given positions of high trust in the 
army. 

The Persian forces having reached theneighbourhood 
of Herat, Shah ‘Abbas, who had till then remained 
behind in Isfahan, came riding post and joined his 
troops to stand at the head of the army. ‘Talim Khan, 
in youthful ardour, it now appeared was desirous of 
fighting a pitched battle: he immediately attacked us, 
whereupon the Shah accepted his challenge, although 
we Persians had, in fact, only a force of 100,000 as 
against 160,000 of the Tartars. On that day, however, 
fortune declared in our favour, for the Uzbeks begin- 
ning a great skirmish against us, discovered to their 
cost how differently our nobles and our men would fight 
when it was their king in person who was present in 
command, The Tartars were quite unable to resist 
our onslaught, and turning their backs fled, forfeiting 
all the honour they had gained and at the same time 
losing possession of the province of Khurásán. In 
their rout they abandoned their king, Talim Khan, who, 
falling a prisoner into our hands, was immediately put 
to death by order of Shah ‘Abbas. We then reoccu- 
pied Herat, having taken prisoners more than 6,000 

22% Q 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


of the Tartar soldiers, and in addition a like number 
of their women. The order was now issued by the 
Sháh for the army to return to the capital, Isfahán, 
seeing that all his enemies had been overcome. Further, 
he had forgiven Farhád Khán for his cowardice and even 
was proceeding to name him as governor of Herát; 
but Farhád had no Stomach to take up the appointment, 
he being more at ease in the intrigues and scandals of a 
court than of capacity in the conduét of government 
and the bearing of arms. Farhad Khan therefore 
would have excused himself, but the Shah, in anger 
coupling this refusal to serve with his late disgraceful 
conduét, incontinently ordered that he should be be- 
headed. ‘The governorship of Herat was then con- 
ferred upon Husayn Khan Shámlú, with a force of 
40,000 Persian troops to be quartered there in garrison; 
and everything being satisfactorily settled, and happy 
with our rich booty, we all set out on our return, 
carrying with us 24,000 cut-off Tartar heads, besides 
the many captives. 

On our return journey, however, we did not pass 
to Isfahan, for those of us who were in attendance 
and servants of the royal household kept with the king, 
who went direct to Qazvin. Here some of the nobles 
were given charge to wait on Prince Safi Mirza, 
eldest son and heir-apparent of Shah ‘Abbas, he being 
the child of a Georgian lady, and at that time a boy 
about ten years old. It was ordered next that the young 
prince should be conducted to Isfáhan, and thither 
we now accompanied him, establishing him in a suitable 
palace, with service in accordance with his rank. Then 
in Isfahán two years went by, no events happening that 
need record, at the end of which time news came in 
that troubles were beginning again from the repeated 
inroads of the Turks on our north-western frontiers. 
This matter, however, Shah ‘Abbas treated as of little 
moment, for he was not averse to breaking the peace 
| 226 


A e ERES 


with Sultan Muhammad III, and to this end, namely, 
war with the Ottoman power, the timely arrival of 
certain Englishmen gave him much encouragement. 

These men had come from Scotland, and passing 
through Venice had travelled by way of Aleppo and 
Baghdad, being disguised as Turks. In accordance 
with the terms of the existing peace treaty [between 
Persia and Turkey they with their armed escort] had 
been stopped at the frontier on the Chisir river,’ where 
they had pretended to be travelling Turkish merchants 
—for they were perfectly acquainted with that tongue 
and their Turkish guard had there left them. Next 
some Persian merchants passing had carried them 
across the stream and thence brought them on to 
Oazvín, where they had made known the truth as to 
who they really were. On our arrival, as aforesaid 
from Khurásán, we had found these men already 
waiting in Qazvin, where, however, Shah ‘Abbas did 
not see them. Subsequently they were allowed to 
come on to Isfahan and were there introduced at 
court, when the king received them in audience, his 
Majesty, as already said, not having hitherto had sight 
of them. From all of which it came about in due time 
that we of the embassy went on our journey to Spain, 
as will be explained fully in the Third Book of our 
Account. 


227 





THirD Book of the Account of Don 
Juan of Persia, in which is related the 
cause of his coming into Spain, and 
the notable things which he saw during 
his journey, together with the manner 
of his conversion to the Christian 
Faith, and the conversion later of two 
other Persian gentlemen. 


229 





MITA T BRL 


Wherein is recounted the arrival at the Court of the King of Persia of 
two Portuguese Friars, and of two Englishmen, brothers, and how 
the King determined to despatch an embassy to eight Christian 
Princes. 


Tue king Shah ‘Abbas now living in quiet and content, 
reposing in his estates, being at peace after the vic- 
tories gained over his enemies, and by the subjugation 
of the outlying provinces, there arrived at the Persian 
Court Muhammad Aga, Grand Chaush [Pursuivant] 
of the Sultan Muhammad III of Turkey, accompanied 
by 300 gentlemen and noblemen of his suite, on 
an embassy. The demand of the Sultan was that 
Shah ‘Abbas should send his son Safi Mirza to the 
Court of Constantinople—he being at that time a 
youth twelve years of age, and the heir-apparent—to 
rejoice and entertain the Sultan. ‘To the ambassador 
the king answered, being well experienced in the cruel 
ways of the Ottoman Court, after this fashion: that he, 
the Shah, was indeed only the servant of his son, for 
in Persia when the prince heir-apparent is born he 
nominally is king of the land, wherefore he, the Shah, 
would himself rather, in case of need, go to pay his 
respects to his Majesty the Sultan and do honour to 
his court; but as to his son being sent, even though 
he might wish to send him, the grandees of his king- 
dom would indeed never consent to let the prince 
depart, nor would he himself, for the present, think of 
going. 

The Ottoman ambassador was not a little vexed at 
this reply; and even more angry was the Shah at the 
impudent demand of the Sultan, and at the artfulness 
and craft with which it had been set forth: seeing that 

231 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


all this was done presumably with a view of putting the 
heir of Persia to death—as indeed the Ottoman Sultans 
are wont to do in their own family. The Shah thus 
having perfectly understood the intention of Sultan 
Muhammad, now gave command that they should 
shave off the beard of his ambassador, and send the 
same as a gift to the Sultan. This mode of insult 
was one very common at the time between these princes, 
and Shah ‘Abbas was indeed within his right to use it, 
in order that Sultan Muhammad should recall to mind 
the trick played by order of his father, Murad III, on 
a former Persian ambassador, who, it will be remem- 
bered, during certain solemn ceremonies at the Court 
of Constantinople, was put to stand upon a flooring, 
traitorously set, thus ignominiously to be thrown down 
beneath the same at the most important moment of that 
ceremony.’ 

At about this same time there arrived at the court of 
the Shah, also, that Englishman [already spoken of in 
the last chapter of Book 11], called Sir Anthony Sherley, 
with his suite of thirty-two attendants, and they halted 
at Qazvin. He gave himself out as cousin of the 
Scottish king James, saying that all the kings of 
Christendom had recognized him as such, and had 
now empowered him as their ambassador to treat 
with the king of Persia, who should make a con- 
federacy with them in order to wage war against 
the Turk, who was indeed the common enemy of all 
of them. Now this Christian gentleman had by chance 
arrived in the very nick of time, for the king of Persia 
was then himself preparing to send an ambassador 
with many gifts to the king of Spain, by way of the 
Portuguese Indies. Sir Anthony, however, brought 
it to the knowledge of the Shah that there were, besides 
his Catholic Majesty of Spain, many other Christian 
kings in Europe and the West, who being most 
powerful monarchs would willingly join him against 

232 


MERA NL TONY ES HERLEY 


the Turk: hence it would now be proper to send also 
with his ambassador letters and presents to each of 
these other kings. Sir Anthony succeeded so well in 
setting forth this matter as urgent, that the Sháh was 
satisfied to do as he advised, and gave orders forthwith 
that arrangements for these embassies should be 
set on foot, proposing that Sir Anthony should accom- 
pany his envoy the Persian ambassador. ‘To all this 
Sir Anthony readily agreed, thanking his Majesty for 
the honour he was doing him, and he proceeded to 
name the Christian Powers, to the number of eight, to 
whom he and the Persian ambassador were to be 
accredited; and these were: the Roman Pontiff, the 
Emperor of Germany, the King of Spain, the King of 
France, the King of Poland, the Signiory of Venice, 
the Queen of England and the King of Scotland. 

All matters were thus set in order, and Sir Anthony 
agreed to leave his younger” brother Robert behind 
him in Persia, together with fifteen other Englishmen, 
for whom the Shah then appointed a house with a 
sufficient upkeep in accordance with the rank that 
these were said to bear. At this same moment there 
arrived by the Indian route, and journeying up from 
Ormuz, two Portuguese Friars, natives of Lisbon. 
One was a Dominican, the other a Franciscan, and the 
former called himself Fray Nicolao de Molo.? These 
men also heartened the Shah in the idea of sending his 
ambassadors to the Christian Powers, and his Majesty 
now gave them gifts, calling the Friars by the name of 
“ Padre ” and showing them every courtesy: on the 
which they besought the king to grant them a separate 
letter of recommendation for his Holiness, and yet 
another letter for his Catholic Majesty the King of 
Spain. The Shah forthwith acceding, commanded 
such letters to be written and given to them, separately 
and apart from all the other credentials. Now in 
coming to Persia Sir Anthony had made his voyage 


2 33 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


through Greece [and the Ottoman Empire] in the dress 
of a Turk, being a man cognizant of the Turkish 
language, but it was not possible or advisable for him 
to seek to return home by that route. On the other 
hand, the way by India would demand too long a sea 
journey, and it was in consequence determined that 
the voyage of the present embassy should be taken 
through ‘Tartary and Muscovy. 

All needful preparations having thus been made, his 
Majesty granted his patents and orders for free pro- 
visions throughout all his lands and territories where 
the embassy should pass; further, the needful credits 
with orders for cash to pay our travelling expenses, and 
the same was done for the Englishmen—all to be thus 
defrayed at the charge of the king of Persia. The 
Persian gentlemen who were as secretaries to accom- 
pany the ambassador being also now duly appointed, 
we took leave in audience of Shah ‘Abbas in Isfahan, 
where the Court was then in residence, and started on 
our journey, it being Thursday evening, the 9th day of 
July, in the year of the Incarnation 1599. Now those 
who thus went out from the royal palace travelling at 
the king’s command and expense, were all grandees 
of his court, of high rank, and they were habited and 
accoutred suitably for their voyage. The Persian 
ambassador was called Husayn ‘Ali Beg,* and with 
him were four gentlemen the secretaries of embassy 
and fifteen servants. Next came the two Friars and 
then Sir Anthony with five interpreters, and fifteen 
other Englishmen. There were withal thirty-two 
camels carrying the presents, besides the needful 
number of riding horses for those who went the journey, 
and the usual sumpter-beasts required for carrying the 
baggage of the various persons already mentioned. 
Diverse were the feelings in the hearts of those who 
were thus departing, and different their expression: 
for some set forth most joyfully, but others very dole- 


234 


OSA ING SEA 
fully. To all the king had graciously given his royal 


word to bestow on us at our return many favours, but 
such were the tears of our relatives, the sad faces shown 
by our friends, the sorrow and despair expressed 
differently but grievously by wives, fathers and children, 
that we had perforce at last hurriedly to conclude and 
depart, and that evening leaving the capital, we forth- 
with took the road to the city of Káshán, our first 
stage. 

The journey from Isfahán to Káshán occupied us 
four days; we rested there two, and then went on to 
the town of Qum; and the next morning we reached 
the city of Sávah. From Sávah we travelled during 
three days, coming to the city of Qazvín, formerly the 
capital city of Persia, as we have already Stated in the 
chapter of our book describing the provinces of Persia. 
Here we remained eight days, for the Sháh had ordered 
us to procure from here certain articles for gifts that 
we were to present to the kings of the ChriStians, these 
in addition to those with which from Isfahán we were 
already in charge; this matter therefore we now attended 
to. After leaving Qazvin, we came in five days to Gilán, 
a territory and province where a different language 
to Persian is spoken, although, as already explained 
in a former chapter, it is indeed an integral part of the 
kingdom of Persia. This province lies along the 
coast of the Sea of Bákú, also called” Qulzum, which is 
the Caspian Sea of the ancients, and as here we had to 
embark aboard ship, we were delayed ten days while 
the necessary arrangements were being completed. 
Now many of our friends and relations had come out 
accompanying us hither on the road from Isfahan, 
and when we had at last embarked in our ship very 
sorrowfully we bade them good-bye, we Standing on 
board, and finally set sail.° 

The Caspian Sea was not very well known to the 
ancients, who till after the times of Cesar Augustus 


235 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


believed it to be a bay of the Ocean; but the Arabs knew 
it to be otherwise and called it the “ Closed Sea.” 
It is 800 miles in length, and 600 in breadth; it receives 
into its waters many copious rivers, and although there 
is no lack of those who have stated that for this 
cause the water of the same is neither bitter nor salt, 
I who sailed over it, and once or twice tried to essay 
its taste, can affirm that it is gross, bitter, and salt, 
being indeed anything but palatable. The chief 
rivers that flow into this Sea are the Chessel, the Geicon, 
the ‘Teuso, the Coro and the Volga. This last is in 
those parts known as the Eder, and on this river, as 
will later be described, we were destined to take our 
journey inland to Russia. Now, having, as already 
said, got on board our ship, we put out to sea, and in a 
day and a night reached a little island far from the 
land, where a number of fisher-folk are wont to live, for 
the fish here are abundant and of many kinds. More 
especially they catch hereabout great quantities” of 
dog-fish, and the same provide the fish-skins which 
being first dried are afterwards used as bags for holding 
olive-oil, and these skins are sold for a great price. 
Here we stayed a day and the night, waiting for fine 
weather, and the following day, as the sea appeared 
calm, we set sail. Very soon, however, it was manifest 
how little the seamen knew of the weather, for, after 
sailing three or four miles, a tempest arose, and the 
violence of the wind split our sails, whereby more than 
once one might have thought that we should all drown. 
But in truth we Persians are so entirely unused to sea- 
faring, that most of us were now unapprehensive of 
either danger or death; and we laughed heartily at the 
Portuguese Friars, who had fallen to weeping, being 
apparently prepared to die. The storm lasted the whole 
of that night, and in the morning we found ourselves 
back once again at that port and town, in Gilán, where 
we had embarked some days before. 


236 


MANQISHLAGH 


It appeared to some who were faint-hearted that we 
should best now disembark and return to Isfahán, for 
it seemed to them as though it were not the will of 
Heaven that we should undertake this long journey. 
But in sooth we all feared too much the wrath of Sháh 
‘Abbas, and as fine weather had set in we again put to 
sea, in two days retraced the way already gone, and in 
another day, proceeding forward, reached a port where 
there were indeed no houses, but a settlement of folk 
of divers tribes. ‘These men were all living, as is the 
fashion we see among the nomad Moors of Morocco, 
in the midst of their flocks and camels; they are of the 
Tartar nation, and the country goes by the name of 
the Land of the Great Tamerlane of Tartary; though, 
in fact, it is subject to the king of Persia. ‘The manner 
of life of these people is quite barbarous, and they talk 
little that is matter of sense; they go almost naked, 
wearing only” fisher-breeches, or a very short shirt. 
They are poor and very humble folk in their ways, and 
welcome anybody who comes to their country. They 
treated us well, giving us of their flocks a liberal and 
sufficient entertainment during the fortnight that we 
were delayed here, for by reason of the dead calm which 
lay upon the sea, it was impossible for the ship to set 
sail all this time. In this country, which otherwise 
is called Mangishlágh [and lies on the east coast of 
the Caspian] there is a native Persian Idol very greatly 
venerated by the folk of the land, also by strangers, and 
to this Idol we, offering many gifts, forthwith made 
sacrifice that the Idol might grant to us a favourable 
wind. We met here with a Persian, who begged to 
join us, and having at last a favourable wind we again 
made sail. None the less, during the next two months 
we were constantly set back by foul weather; so we 
coasted the shore, and had we but had a favourable 
wind, in twelve days we should easily have accom- 
plished this our journey across the Caspian. 

237 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


At the end of these two months we came into what 
is an arm of the Caspian, where the water is clearer and 
less salt than out at sea, and indeed Giovanni Botero? 
has already remarked this matter in his book, but 
this gulf is a separate arm of the Caspian and it is no 
part of the main sea. And here it is proper to point 
out that the water is thus less salt here by reason of the - 
rivers which flow into this bay or estuary; but, as prov- 
ing clearly that the water of the Caspian is by nature 
truly salt, when a Storm wind drives the waters back 
through this estuary, of which we are speaking, into 
the river mouths, their waters then become as bitter as 
gall, and of this fact I satisfied myself by experiment. 
The people of the country call this river, which is the 
Volga, by the name of Idel.'” Thirty leagues up this 
bay or estuary, sailing north we began to enter the 
territories which the Muscovites occupy in Asia, and 
the first inhabited place we came to was a town of the 
Christians, which is called Astrakhan. One of our 
Persians and an Englishman, with some of the sailors 
to row, now got into a small boat and went to wait 
upon the captain-general of the town, which lay thirty 
leagues above where the ship had come to anchor, for 
the water above here is so shallow that she could not 
have passed the bar without running aground. Now 
as we lay here, by a change of wind our vessel was in 
great risks, for though of considerable size, when a 
squall fell on us, she was all but overset, and we already 
accounted ourselves as doomed men. Immediately 
we began to throw overboard first a thousand bushels 
of wheat and flour, next many provisions with which 
we had been supplied, many boxes of clothes, lastly 
some chests of valuable gifts; whereby finally, and by 
the loss thereof, the tempest came to be appeased, and 
the ship saved. 

This danger being overpassed, those who had gone 
up to the city returned, and with them the captain- 

238 


ASTRAKHAN 


general had sent down to us many gentlemen, aboard 
four galleys, with provisions and refreshments. We 
now trans-shipped and were taken on board their 
galleys, and our ship weighing anchor,” sailed away, 
leaving us. On arriving at the city we disembarked 
from the galleys, when they gave us a very great and 
solemn reception, for there was a mighty assembly of 
folk present. Here we found another ambassador from 
the king of Persia, especially accredited to Mus- 
covy, who was on his way thither, and in his suite 
300 persons. In Astrakhan we sojourned for six- 
teen days, for they gave us excellent entertainment, 
and it being the autumn season, there was in that 
country an abundance of melons and apples of very 
good quality. Also not only was the land pleasant, but 
the people likewise, for the captain-general, whom the 
Grand Duke of Muscovy has appointed here as gover- 
nor, had caused it to be proclaimed that no one should 
presume to demand money for anything that we might 
need or desire, and this under pain of 200 lashes 
for disobedience. The city of Astrakhan—more 
properly Astarkhan—has a population of 5,000 house- 
holders” [or 22,500 souls]; all its houses are of wood, 
the fortress alone excepted, a strong place where the 
captain-general resides. ‘This is high built, and con- 
structed of very thick stone walls; it is well guarded and 
garrisoned by many soldiers, and no one is allowed to 
enter, unless by special permission. The churches 
here are numerous, but none very large; they are full 
of images of saints which are painted in varnish, but 
of a small size; and each image has all day before it a 
lighted candle burning; further, the natives do not 
allow any stranger to their country to enter the 
churches. 

According to the account given by Giovanni Botero, 
we learn that Astrakhan is one of the towns where, by 
government order, the Tartars are permanently settled, 


239 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


as also, numbered by their tribes, the Jews; but, 
indeed, the Tartars all now live out in the open country- 
side, after the fashion we see the Moors do [who are our 
neighbours in Morocco], and the Muscovite Christians 
alone inhabit the city. Astrakhan stands on the bank 
of the Volga, or Eder, and is much frequented by 
merchants coming from Muscovy, Armenia, Persia 
and Turkey, and its chief commerce is in salt. Botero 
States that the township lies one day’s sail by boat from 
the Caspian, but I, who have been there, say that with 
a very good wind you may only reach it thence with 
difficulty in two days. This city was in times past 
completely destroyed by the great Tamerlane; and 
during more recent times it has again suffered in the 
wars that have been recently waged between Persians 
and Turks. 


240 


CHAPTER II 


In which, travelling through Muscovy, the land and what we saw most 
notable therein is described. 


Havine sojourned sixteen days in Astrakhan, and the 
five galleys being now ready which had been prepared 
for our accommodation and for that of that other 
Persian ambassador whom we had joined company 
with in Astrakhan, we all now came together and em- 
barked—namely, we Persians, and the Englishmen and 
the Friars. Along with us were sent a hundred 
soldiers of the Duke of Muscovy, who were to serve 
us as guard and escort, by order of the captain-general 
at Astrakhan. The galleys were very well built, and 
each had a crew of a hundred rowers. We got on 
board down at the strand of that river, which, as already 
said, is called the Eder, otherwise the Volga, the stream 
here having a width across of half a Spanish league. 
The land is well inhabited on either bank by the 
Tartar folk, who are divided up into Hordes’ or tribes, 
and who for the most part live out in the countryside 
among their flocks, which supply them with their chief 
sustenance and livelihood. The river is much fre- 
quented by fishermen, and they catch here a great fish 
—namely, the sturgeon, not unlike the salmon of Spain, 
but of greater length and much finer in appearance. 
The smallest weigh as much as twenty or thirty pounds, 
and the wonder is that no one dare eat of the flesh of 
these fishes, and that they are caught solely for the roe 
[or caviare] which they bear withinthem. This may 
amount in weight to six or seven pounds in each fish, 
and it is black, like a ripe fig. It is very good to eat, 
and being dried they can keep it for one or two years 
without its going bad, even as here in Spain we keep 
| 241 R 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


quinces and pomegranates. Indeed, it is one of the 
greatest delicacies of that country. 

Along the bank of the Volga, on the right hand as 
you travel up towards Muscovy, there are seen some of 
the Tartar folk, who herd camels and horses and flocks 
of sheep. They live as do the nomad Moors of 
Morocco, changing their habitations with the four 
seasons, even as those men are wont to do. They go 
by the name of the Nogay,” and when the pasturage 
fails on the one side, and is to be found only on the 
other bank of the river, since there are no bridges by 
which to carry over their flocks, it is their custom to 
make the passage over theriver breadth during the month 
of August, when the water is at its lowest. “To accom- 
plish this fording of the river, they have contrived a 
method as follows. ‘The horses and camels are tied 
together by their tails one to another, thirty by thirty, or 
fifty by fifty, and then being driven into the water their 
number enables them to struggle against the force of 
the current, and thus they get over. For the sheep to 
cross they lay over the surface of the water great pieces 
of coarse frieze? which have been tarred, as is done to 
the sides of ships, and these being strongly linked 
together, they push these across one after the other with 
poles, like the pans in a turning-table,* and thus the 
rams and ewes, having been set on them, may be got 
over. But as the distance across the stream is very 
great, it is not uncommon for half the flock to get 
drowned, for indeed, in the narrowest places the river 
here is a league from bank to bank. ‘These Tartar 
people are subject some to one lord, some to 
another, and the flocks which they own are so 
numerous, that a sheep is here worth less than a 
real? ‘These Nogays are heathens in matters of 
religion, but they are most hospitable to guests, for 
when any stranger comes he immediately is invited to 
a feast, and a horse having been killed, the tenderest 

242 


KAZAN 


parts of the flesh are cut out and cooked, and set 
before the guest in proof how much he is esteemed 
and honoured. 

During the two months following we now travelled 
in our galleys up the Volga, but every ten days we 
disembarked and went ashore to some village, for all 
along the river bank there are small settlements with 
houses that are built of wood. At each Stopping place 
we changed some of our rowers, taking on fresh men 
to row the galleys. All this was done under command 
from the soldiers who accompanied us by an order sent 
from the Duke of Muscovy. The hills which the 
Volga has on either side its banks are very high, and are 
populated with settlements. We saw on these hills 
numerous bears, lions and tigers, also martens of many 
species. Every hundred leagues or so along the river 
there stand cities of the Duke of Muscovy, and the 
first that we came to was called Cherny Yar, the next 
Tzaritzyn, the third Samara, and so on with the rest 
we do not name. When there was a contrary wind 
blowing down the river, the boatmen would land the 
horses on one or other bank, and these towed the galleys 
with great ropes. Every night we were wont to land 
to sleep comfortably ashore in the fields, and our escort 
of a hundred soldiers then kept watch and ward for us. 
At the end of two months’ journeying by river we came 
to a very great city of the Duke of Muscovy called 
Kazan, and its population, numbering over 50,000 
householders [or 225,000 souls], are all Christians. 
This town is extremely full of churches, each having 
many great bells, and on the vesper of feast days no 
one can sleep or indeed stay in the city for the noise. 
On the day when we arrived at this city so great a 
concourse of people came out to meet us and wonder 
at the sight, that we scarcely could pass through the 
squares and streets. We Stayed in Kazan eight days, 
and they provided us with such abundant supplies, that 


243 


DON JUAN’ OP PERS 


the food we could not eat had to be thrown out of the 
windows and wasted. 

In this country none are poor, for the viétuals are 
so cheap, that any that are hungry go out to find it in 
the highways. What they lack is good wine, and they 
have only one kind of drink, which is made from wheat 
or barley, and this is so strong that those who drink it 
are often drunk. For this reason there is a law and 
ordinance that no officer may carry any kind of weapon, 
otherwise they would be killing each other every other 
moment. ‘The climate here is extremely cold, hence 
all go clothed in marten skins, which are to be had 
in abundance. They have no succulent fruits, only 
crab-apples, and no plenty even of these, and they are 
not sweet, being indeed quite sour. The people of 
Kazan are a fine race: the men are fair, tall and stout, 
and the women, as a rule, good-looking. They appear 
very well dressed in the marten furs of which the robes 
and hoods that they wear are made. They have great 
use for stoves, and in each house is a dog, as big as a 
lion, for they fear robbery by night from him who 
might be an enemy. In the daytime the dogs are 
chained up, but at the first hour of the evening the 
bells ring to warn people that the dogs are about to 
be let loose in the streets, and thus the passengers 
abroad must take care. For they now set their dogs 
free, and no one then dare go out of his house, lest he 
should be torn to pieces by them. 

All the houses of Kazan are made of wood, but there 
is a great fort, very strongly built with stone walls; it 
is garrisoned by soldiers, and they keep watch here 
at night in their quarters, as is done with us in Spain, 
Italy and Flanders. ‘This guard was first established 
because it was the evil custom formerly of the Turks 
and Tartars to come in by night and, having set fire to 
the houses, plunder the people. 

From Kazan we set forth in seven galleys with Hien 


244 


RKOSSIAN WINTER 


the captain of the city supplied us, together with a 
guard of a hundred soldiers ordered to conduét us 
safely to the Court of the Duke of Muscovy. We 
continued to travel up the same stream, and advancing 
northward, began the more to feel the rigour of the 
climate of that region; and six days after leaving 
Kazan we came to a town on the same river bank, 
which is called Cheboksary. That same night the 
Volga, or Eder river, was frozen so thick all along where 
we were about to go that perforce we had to change our 
way of travelling. The people here now carried on 
shore all our luggage and goods that we were taking 
in the galleys, and next provided us with horse-sleighs 
and sleds for the transport of baggage, thus enabling 
us to proceed on to the court without delay. 

Giovanni Botero has stated® that the mouths of the 
Volga are seventy-eight in number, and that this river, 
like the Boristhenes [the Bug] and the Dvina, takes its 
rise in Lake Volappo.” In this matter he seems to be 
rightly informed, for its stream appears to come down 
from the further parts of Lithuania. The reason why 
all these mouths, estuaries, and branches of the Volga 
are frozen up in winter, is because the land hereabout 
can but little profit from the sun’s heat, this being 
always diverted away, for the noonday here has its 
aspect to the eastward, and the rigour of the winter lasts 
for nine entire months. Further, the woods along the 
river bank make the land here impenetrable to the 
sun’s rays, these woods being the outlying tracts of 
the great Hercynian forest, which stretches up thence 
into the north. ‘Thus the sun is never able thoroughly 
to warm the earth through during the three months of 
summer-time. However, although the winter here 1s 
- so cold, and the surface of the earth everywhere covered 
with ice and snow, this season is in truth the more 
suitable for going about and the transport of goods and 
for making journeys, than is the summer-time; for in 


245 


DON" JUAN “OP "PERS 


the short time of great warmth that then occurs, the 
frost and snow having gone, the ground is everywhere 
covered with lakes and swamps; and these are almost 
impassable, until, again being frozen hard, the waters 
and the surface of the ground can be safely traversed. 
¡The horse-sleighs with which they provided us in 
this town on the Volga called Cheboksary were a 
fashion of portable chairs, like small litters, or little 
coaches, set on runners made of smoothed wooden 
beams. ‘These sleds are, in appearance, just like the 
sleighs which the Flemings make use of in the Low 
Countries or in Flanders on the Meuse and Scheldt 
when the waters freeze, and in Italy also by the people 
who live round the sources of the river Po, except that 
those which the Muscovites make use of on the Volga 
are much larger, and run smoothly without cutting into 
the frozen surface, as those of Germany are wont to do. 
The form of sled here used is after this wise. ‘There 
is a square box like a little turret, and inside of it two 
seats; the roof ends above in a pyramidal form, being 
covered over by skins with the fur left on. In front 
there is a stool, or half seat, where the man can sit 
who drives the horse which draws the sledge, while 
inside are safely accommodated the two travellers who 
are making the journey. At the back, as it were on the 
shoulder of the square box, is a kind of shelf, where 
some of the luggage may be carried. The horse is 
driven swiftly, and they go twelve or fifteen leagues in 
a day; but as each sled can accommodate but two 
passengers, to transport all our people and goods 
more than five hundred of these sleighs were required. 
After this fashion, therefore, we travelled beyond 
Kazan till we came to a city called Nizhni Novgorod,* 
which holds a population of about 8,000 householders 
[or 36,000 souls]. ‘The houses, as elsewhere on the 
Volga, are of wood, but the city has a stone wall round 
it, which on one side overhangs the river bank. As 
246 


DNZEFEUN TINO VGOROD 


soon as we had arrived here, an order came from the 
Duke of Muscovy—to whom news had been sent of 
our approach —that we should delay a month, remain- 
ing stationary here, and so for that time we postponed 
further travelling. | 

The people of Nizhni are Christians, and subjects 
of the Duke of Muscovy; but they are of a lascivious 
habit, and the fame of the place lies in its bath-houses, 
where the men and the women are wont to bathe in 
company, promiscuously, with no clothes to cover 
their nakedness; hence their commerce is exceedingly 
free, more so indeed than in any other country would 
be tolerated or possible. Provisions in Nizhni are 
very cheap, as indeed elsewhere in Tartary and 
Muscovy—but we have noted this already. Clothes- 
Stuffs, however, are dear, though we by a special order 
of the Duke had all we required freely given to us, and 
forsooth we had an abundance of garments. At 
the end of the month we have spoken of, and which we 
passed quietly in Nizhni, orders came for us to proceed, 
and we set out for the court. We travelled in the 
manner arranged by one of the major-domos of the 
Duke, who had come to Nizhni for us, in sleighs with 
covered chairs similar to those we had already used; 
and were now accompanied by the captain-general of 
the fortress at Nizhni. ‘This fort is held by a garrison 
of 6,000 soldiers, who night and day keep ward here 
against the Turks and Tartars. Now I do not exaétly 
know whether these Tartars we are now speaking of 
be indeed of the Perekop Horde,’ but it seems to me 
that these [living on the Volga], though they occupy 
lands situated so much to the north [of the Crimea, 
which is] the true Perekop country, are yet true Tartars, 
who live as do the nomad Moors of Morocco, their 
ways being those of men of the uncivilized outlands. 

During six days we now travelled on, keeping always 
the banks of the river Eder in sight, and then came to 


247 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


a town which is called Murom. This is a large place 
and very populous, but as we were travelling post-haste, 
we were unable to enjoy much of the curious amenities 
of that city. One matter, however, they showed us 
and explained to us, which for being most peculiar, 
though certainly a very gross superstition, I cannot 
pass over in silence. Itappears that the chief commerce 
and occupation of this township consists in the tanning 
of the hides of cattle, and these are in such abundance 
that there are one thousand and one tanning-houses 
here, entirely occupied in this business. Further, the 
town possesses a certain well, into which each man 
who is a tanner throws one thousand and one hides, 
which the waters do promptly tan. But when in due 
time they take up the hides from this well, they always 
find that the thousand and one skins of a certain par- 
ticular one of the thousand and one tanners are entirely 
perished and spoiled. ‘Then his friends among the 
other tanners having gathered together each his 
thousand and one well-tanned hides, will forthwith 
present to him whose skins have all been spoiled—and 
which are known by certain marks and signs to be 
verily his—exaétly one thousand and one other hides 
well-tanned of theirs, in compensation. I opine that 
all this must be a wile of the Demon, and we would have 
said it was a lie and a Story, such as could not be credible, 
had we not ourselves seen the fact. But on this point 
we comment further, that since for this purpose of 
tanning there is but one well of water, and since all 
the skins are of one kind and quality which they throw 
into it to be cured and tanned, it seems almost im- 
possible to believe that the hides belonging to one — 
person should suffer perishment more than those of any 
other person. For indeed, how can it be upheld that 
one party may profit more than another party in the 
quality of the water, and the peculiar property of the 
well—tanning in the one case, and spoiling in the 
248 


VLADIMIR 


other? Further we say, how does it come that the 
number of skins be so exactly held to, that always only 
just one thousand and one are perished? Whereby 
forsooth, indeed, it is very manifest that this is no 
natural effect of the water, but truly the diabolical work 
of Satan. 

We passed by the city of Murom, therefore, and in 
three days reached Vladimir,” travelling as formerly 
up towards the source of the Volga, in other sleighs, but 
like those already described. ‘This town is of larger 
size than Murom, being of 12,000 householders [or 
some 54,000 inhabitants], and it has the appearance 
of a well-organized community and one that is well 
governed. The women here are extremely beautiful, 
but their mode of dress is so ugly and eccentric, and 
they display so little taste for a suitable combination 
of colours, that their clothes do not favour them. The 
men are very tall and stout. The natural character 
of the place is much the same as that of other towns we 
passed through since leaving the borders of the Caspian 
Sea; and as we stayed no longer in Vladimir than one 
day, we were unable to profit by its amenities. From 
this place onwards we began to lose sight of the river 
Eder, leaving it to the right hand. Travelling still 
after the fashion above described, under the escort of 
the captain-general and the major-domo of the Duke, 
who had with them a guard of two hundred soldiers, 
after three more days we finally arrived at the Court 
of the Grand Duke, who is the Sovereign of Muscovy. 

His capital city is called Moscow, and it is very 
populous. From its name comes that of the dukedom, 
Muscovy, and the name itself is derived from the 
river Moscova, which runs by and waters Moscow. 
This river rises ninety miles above the city, and its 
navigation is very difficult, by reason of the tortuousness 
- of its course, more particularly between the capital and 
the town of Kolomna. ‘This matter is mentioned by 


249 


DON JUAN? OF PERSTA 


Giovanni Botero, who has taken it from the work of 
Antonio Possevino." He further states that Moscow, 
after it had been burnt down and ruined at the hands 
of the Crim Tartars and Turks in the year 1570, 
had come to be of no greater size than to measure 
two leagues in circuit. But I with particular regard 
walked all round it, examining the matter very care- 
fully. Its population I reckon to number 80,000 
householders [or 360,000 souls] and more. ‘These, too, 
live in detached dwellings, with store-houses and sheds, 
and hence the space of ground occupied by the people 
is more than otherwise would be needful. Indeed, the 
area of occupation appeared to me fully to occupy a 
circumference and circuit of at least three leagues, and 
perhaps more. The city, however, is not walled, and 
stands in an open country, and its defences are the 
marshes, streams and lagoons which intersect and 
surround it. The great palace [of the Kremlin] alone 
is walled, and this is so extensive that it is itself in truth 
a fair-sized city. ‘The palace is all built of stone, and 
beautifully constructed, more especially the royal 

uarters, which are planned in the Italian fashion. 
[The Kremlin] is so large that all the nobles who 
personally serve the Duke live within its circuit. I do 
not indeed know the sum total of those who inhabit 
the precincts, but the houses seen within the wall are 
counted to be over six thousand in number. Our 
reception here was after the mode which will be de- 
tailed in the next chapter. 


250 


CHAPTER III 


Of the reception given us at the Court of the Duke of Muscovy, of what 
we saw in Moscow, and of what passed between us and the Duke, 
up to the time when we took our departure. 


On a certain Friday, at about 10 o’clock in the morning, 
in the month of November, we entered the capital, 
and there came out, very courteously, to meet us an 
infinity of people, for the Muscovites are folk much 
given toceremony. Thus on the day when any prince 
or foreign ambassador comes to the Court of their Duke, 
or, indeed, should one such enter any city of his that 1s 
a seat of government, holiday is proclaimed by public 
edict, and none shall that day do any work. Further, 
everybody must then appear, dressed each in his best 
and finest clothes, in order to go out to the place of 
reception at the entry of the city. It is indeed a good 
thing that they do no work of any kind on those par- 
ticular days, none daring to set his hand to labour even 
for an instant, for on the other sacred festivals of the 
year they do not scruple to work the whole day long. 
In most other points, however, they exactly observe 
the precepts inculcated by the Greek Church, which 
is the seét to which they belong. 

The number of noblemen who thus came out to 
meet us, in accordance with the command and ordi- 
nance of the Duke—all of them grandees and men of 
title, lords of many vassals, and gentlemen of position— 
their number, I say, appeared to me to exceed six 
thousand. And to bring us in, the Duke had sent two 
hundred little carriages or litters, each drawn by a 
well-favoured horse, every carriage being covered in 
for warmth, the coachman well dressed and the horse 
furnished out in lion and tiger skins; all this, on the 

251 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


one hand for the due pomp of the occasion, and on 
the other to keep horse and man from the cold, which 
is very severe in those parts at this season. Half a 
league before we reached the city gate we found the 
men of the Duke's bodyguard drawn up to receive 
us, and next by his order they lined the roadway to 
right and left along which we passed. The body- 
guard are all infantry and matchlockmen, and not 
counting other soldiers armed with bows and arrows, 
those who carried matchlocks must have numbered 
10,000. Through their line we made our way, and 
every soldier of the bodyguard stood to attention 
holding his match lighted. ‘That you may understand 
how great a prince is he who resides in this capital 
city, I should mention that the Grand Duke of Mus- 
covy* is doubly a king, for he is lord of fifteen duke- 
doms, of sixteen principalities, and of two kingdoms. 
His lands extend on the north to the Arétic Ocean, from 
the Bay of Granwick to the river Ob; on the south the 
frontier marches with the river Eder or Volga, where it 
reaches the Caspian Sea; on the west the limit of his 
state is closed by Livonia, where the river Boristhenes 
or Bug is found; while on the eastern border we 
again find the Volga. In length Muscovy covers 
3,000 miles, and in breadth extends to 1,500 miles. 
The Grand Duke is extremely rich, for he is lord of 
both the lives and goods of all his subjects, to do 
therewith at his will; and they all serve and worship 
him. He allows no schools or universities in his 
kingdom, in order—as he says—that no one may 
come to know all that he himself knows; and hence no 
one of his presidents, governors, or secretaries of state 
can know more than what the Grand Duke wishes him 
to know of his affairs. No one is allowed to call in 
any physician, who is a foreigner, to cure him; and no 
one, under pain of death, may leave Muscovy to go 
into any foreign country, lest he should get into com- 
252 


MUSCOVY 


munication with other folk and learn better. There 
are neither paupers nor thieves in Muscovy; to the 
first abundant food will always be given at any time, 
and to the last imprisonment for life is adjudged. 
And no one is put to death for any crime, for he who 
would elsewhere be capitally condemned here is given 
life-imprisonment. Thus the man who has com- 
mitted a crime has no chance of committing a second, 
for he is, so to speak, buried alive in his cell. In matters 
of religion, these Muscovites are very attentive to their 
Church. There are no books other than the Gospels 
and Lives of the Saints, and all the people go hung about 
with crosses. When a man enters a church he will 
first kiss the ground, and in his right hand he will 
carry an image of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. 
In the palace, over the throne or chair of the Grand 
Duke, placed so as to appear above his head, there is 
always set the image of Our Lady, mitred and with a 
Staff, and wearing vestments like those of a bishop, and 
on Her fingers are many rings. 

Now when finally we had been brought thus into 
Moscow, they lodged us all in very magnificent houses, 
that were like fortresses: in one they lodged the Persian 
special ambassador, who had been accredited to the 
Duke; another house they appointed to us with our 
ambassador; and in a third lodgement they accommo- 
dated all the Englishmen, and for our guard they 
appointed three hundred men-at-arms. ‘The Duke 
then provided us with nine interpreters who spoke 
perfectly our Persian language, three interpreters to 
each of the houses our embassies occupied; further he 
sent us many provisions. Then, we having rested 
for eight days, on a certain Sunday the Duke com- 
manded his major-domo to bring us to him, and we set 
out in the order observed when we entered the city. 
As on the day of our entry the bodyguard of infantry 


lined the road, which was more than a quarter of a 


me 


DON JUAN OR UP ER Sd 


league in length, that we had to pass through going 
from our lodging to the fortress, in which was the 
palace. This place, where the Duke lives, is the 
citadel [Kremlin] of which we have already spoken, 
as containing some 6,000 houses, all built of wood, 
saving only the royal abode and the outer wall, both 
of which are constructed of stone, as already noted, 
adorned everywhere and fortified after the Italian 
fashion. ‘There are a great number of churches within 
the citadel circuit, and in the biggest church is an 
immense bell, which they struck, that we might hear 
its wondrous sound.” ‘Thirty men could barely move 
it, and it is never rung except for the birth of a duke, 
or for his coronation. 

When we had come to the palace, we found outside 
waiting for us the major-domo or chamberlain of the 
Duke, a man of gigantic stature, who held chained up 
at his side a most ferocious dog, which at night-time 1s 
let loose; and this chamberlain conducted us as far as 
the second palace door. Here was standing a second 
chamberlain, who led us as far as another door, where 
again was a third chamberlain, who brought us to the 
inner door which opened into the Duke’s hall. Here 
were five hundred gentlemen of the court, all dressed 
in robes of brocade lined with marten fur, wearing caps 
set with many precious stones, and their garments were 
all sewn over with jewels of incredible value. These 
gentlemen received us very courteously and conduéted 
us up to the further end of the hall, where the Duke was 
seated. This hall is so spacious that from the entrance 
door it is scarcely possible to distinguish what may be 
going on at the other end. ‘The Style of its building 
is that of a nave or aisle of a church, but much longer, 
as has been already said. ‘The domes and cupolas 
forming the ceiling were supported on forty wooden 
columns, all gilded over, and these were sculptured with 
a leaf ornament, and each column was so thick that two 


254 


THE KREMLIN 


men could scarce have compassed 1t about with out- 
stretched arms. When we reached the upper end of 
the hall, we found here the Grand Duke, and he was 
seated on a chair raised up on many Steps, and this 
chair was made of massive gold, encrusted with precious 
Stones. The Grand Duke was dressed in a robe of 
cloth of gold, lined with marten fur, clasped by many 
diamond buttons, and he wore a hat that was shaped 
like a mitre. In his hand was a sceptre, like a pastoral 
staff, and behind the Duke stood forty noblemen each 
holding a silver Staff in his hand; which is the insignia 
of their office. Further, the Grand Duke carries this 
sceptre with him when he goes to battle. 

When now we had come before him, we all prostrated 
ourselves, and the special ambassador from Persia, 
who was, as before said, accredited to Muscovy, came 
forward. His name was Pir Quli Beg, and he was a 
Persian nobleman of high rank. ‘Then before presen- 
tation he kissed the Letter which he bore, and next put 
it into the hands of his Highness. On this the Grand 
Duke rose from his seat, and receiving the Letter 
kissed it likewise, and then handed it to the interpreter, 
who forthwith read and translated it into the language 
of the Russian country. Next our ambassador, who 
was accredited to Spain, advanced and presented his 
Letter, in the which the Grand Duke was besought to 
give us his favour with fair passage and licence: and 
_ this he forthwith promised to do in our behalf. His 
Highness now commanded us all to be seated, and we 
took our places on long benches, or on stools covered 
with velvet and stuffed with feathers. After an interval 
the Grand Duke rose and retired within the palace 
precincts, with his nobles, but returned shortly again to 
the hall, when he, and the nobles accompanying him, 
appeared all dressed in white robes lined with white 
marten fur, like what in Spain we call ermine. 

During the time that his Highness had been absent 


cdo fe 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


the tables had been laid, and the Grand Duke now sat 
down to dinner, everyone being placed according to 
his rank. ‘The fare was in great abundance and very 
magnificently served, for each guest had more than 
forty dishes set before him, and in each was an entire 
portion, whether 1t might be of veal, or venison, mutton, 
or duck, tame or wild. ‘The loaves of bread they gave 
us were so huge that two men with difficulty could 
carry the load in; and there was also to every guest 
a silver dish as big as a brazier, with its handles on 
either side. The Grand Duke favoured each of us 
by sending portions of food from his own plate, accord- 
ing to the rank of the recipient. Then more particu- 
larly he took wine with us, wine of grapes, which is 
the most precious of all that they have in their country, 
it being imported thither from a distance of many 
leagues for the sole use of the Grand Duke, and for the 
bishops who distribute portions to the churches where 
it is used for the Sacrament. In a chamber, adjacent 
to the hall in which we were dining, music was being 
played at this time on a great variety of instruments, 
and they also sang. ‘The feast lasted from two o’clock 
in the afternoon till eight at night, and then we were 
conducted back to our rooms in the palaces where we 
lodged with more than a hundred torches, and the same 
attendance and guard as we took when we left in the 
morning. Further, all our Persian servants during 
this time had had a great abundance of victuals supplied 
to them for their regalement at a feast. 

On any occasion when we might wish to go forth to 
view the city of Moscow, it was due from us to send to 
the Captain of the Citadel for his licence, and he would 
then give us four soldiers to walk with us as a guard. 
After a second week had passed following on our arrival 
in Moscow, we were all taken out in this fashion to 
view the wonders of the city, and more especially the 
treasury of the Grand Duke. Here, before the gate, 

256 | 


MOSCOW CITY 


were two Statues of lions: one appeared to be of silver, 
the other of gold, but they were of clumsy make. Of 
what we now saw inside the treasury the richness was 
incredible, hard to describe, and so impossible to tell 
of it all that I must be silent. The wardrobes of the 
Grand Duke, too, were of inestimable richness; and the 
armoury so well furnished and complete that 20,000 
men could have been fully equipped therefrom with 
weapons. They also showed us here a great den that 
was full of wild beasts; among the rest a lion, as big as 
a horse, whose mane came down on either side of his 
neck, and he had been lately in such a rage that he had 
broken in two the great wooden beam of his cage. 
And after this we walked through the city, and saw 
the wonderful variety of shops there, and the chief 
square where are parked many great pieces of artillery. 
These cannon are of so huge a size that two men may 
crawl down into the bore when it becomes necessary 
to clean out the same. Every one of these pieces of 
cannon is seven yards in length, and to charge it they 
put in 50 pounds of gunpowder. 

After we had been for five months Staying in this, 
the capital city of Muscovy, being detained here on 
our journey by reason of the rains and the snow, the 
Grand Duke at last gave us licence to depart. So we 
went to him to take our leave, and on returning to our 
lodgings, he sent to the ambassador three most rich 
robes of cloth of gold, each lined with marten fur, a 
cup of gold big enough to hold half a gallon® of wine, 
further, 3,000 ducats* for journey expenses. And for 
each of us secretaries, his attendants, the Grand Duke 
sent three robes, one rich and two of more common 
Stuff, with eight yards of cloth to each person to make 
us travelling clothes. Further, a silver-gilt cup to each, 
of the same size as the gold one sent to the ambassador, 
and 200 ducats each as a free gift. After this we took 
leave affeCtionately of our countryman the special 


257 S 


DON: “JUAN. OF PERSA 


Persian ambassador, who was remaining on in Moscow; 
and he accompanying us for more than two leagues when 
we finally set forth from the capital, we said good-bye 
to him very sorrowfully. 

Four of our servants had now with permission left 
us, who were to return home to Persia; and we further 
here lost sight and all knowledge of the Dominican 
Eriar, for he suddenly had disappeared and we could 
get no news of him, though we diligently sought to 
find him. It was our suspicion that Sir Anthony 
Sherley had made away with him, for at the time when 
we were voyaging up the river Eder in the galleys, he 
had often threatened to kill the Friar, and for a time 
had kept him prisoner down below decks in a cabin of 
the galley. But we Persians had then managed to 
rescue him, for the Friar had explained to us that he 
had lent Sir Anthony a thousand crowns, and further 
entrusted him with ninety small diamonds to keep safe 
for him, and that it was because he had wanted these 
and the money back from Sir Anthony that he was so 
treating him to compass his destruétion.? But after 
this time we saw him no more, and so we departed from 
the capital of Muscovy at Eastertide,® being accom- 
panied by a Captain of the Guard with a hundred 
soldiers. Every day we now journeyed about ten 
leagues, and in three days’ time came to a great city 
which is called Pereyaslav, holding a population of 
more than 30,000 householders [or 135,000 souls]. 
All are Muscovites and Christians, and they have 
many churches beautifully adorned after the fashion of 
the country. The city wall, which is built of Stone, 
is encircled by the waters of a great river, which we 
later crossed, for it barred our passage. As far as 
I could judge it ran down towards the country from 
which we had just come—namely, to the neighbourhood 
of the capital.’ Its current was very strong, and we 
crossed it on a raft of timber, serving as a ferry-boat, 

258 


YAROSILAV 


which was drawn over by strong ropes. ‘This raft 
was so great that they could carry over, at one time, as 
many as a hundred sumpter-beasts. I do not know the 
name of this river, but it appeared to me to be an 
affluent of the Moscova. 

From this place we journeyed on for three days, 
coming to a city called Yaroslav, and our way went 
towards the north-west. This town has a larger 
population than Pereyaslav, for it holds 40,000 house- 
holds [180,000 souls]. They are all Muscovites and 
Christians, and it is well built, having many churches 
and monasteries after their Russian fashion. Further, 
there is here one of the strongest fortresses that we 
ever saw in all Muscovy, which is made the stronger 
and more gallant by the river Barem* [here, to wit, 
the Volga], which runs by it, enclosing a part of the 
outer wall. Now it was our intention to have travelled 
forward from here through the countries of Lorraine, 
Saxony and Germany, but they informed us that from 
Yaroslav thither our quickest, surest, and most direct 
way would be to embark on the river [Volga] in galleys, 
and go by its Stream to the sea, which in fact is the 
Arétic Ocean, a distance of about a hundred leagues. 
Some of our informants, however, said that this river 
ran out to the Baltic Sea, into which I believe a portion 
of the Western Dvina does flow, or it is the Boris- 
thenes [the Bug] of which they were speaking. ‘This, 
too, is what the most reliable cosmographers have 
asserted. Be it as it may, we now embarked and 
voyaged for a hundred leagues along the river [Volga 
towards the White Sea], travelling some fifteen or 
sixteen leagues each day, and they had now provided 
our party with two galleys, one for us Persians and 
the other for the Englishmen. 

The river [Volga] on both its banks has many towns, 
and two days after embarking at Yaroslav we came to 
a city called Rybinsk, which, as I judge, may have a 

539 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


population of 10,000 householders [or 45,000 souls], 
and more rather than less. At this place we changed 
the men who had charge of the galleys, others being 
given us in their stead, and they supplied us also very 
plentifully with provisions. After two days’ further 
travelling [and a portage to the head waters of the 
Dvina] we came to another town on the bank of this 
stream, which was named Totma, which to my mind 
must have had a population of about 3,000 house- 
holders [or 13,500 souls]; and there was here a fortress, 
one of the best that we had yet seen. Again we changed 
- the crews who rowed in the galleys, other men being 
supplied; and then after the next day’s journey we 
reached Brusensk, whence going on one day further 
we came to the town of Ustyug, and here again abun- 
dant supplies were forthcoming. Another day’s journey 
brought us to the town of Turavets. From this place 
in our voyage onward the darkness of night ceased, 
and all the time it was daylight, for in this part of the 
country during the months of March, April and May 
there is no night: but conversely, in the corresponding 
months of the winter season the day is all night, and 
no light appears. ‘This continuous daylight was be- 
cause we had now come to a very high degree of 
latitude, and the reason is as we have said, but our 
manner of life became very strange to us, there never 
being any proper night-time for sleep. 

Travelling on we came now to a very great city, 
which lies near the shore of the Arétic Sea, and it is 
named Kholmagory. It holds a great population 
numbering over 30,000 householders [or 135,000 
souls], and it Stands ten leagues from the place where 
the river Barem [or Dvina] flows out to the ocean. In 
Kholmagory we sojourned for twelve days, resting, 
and waiting for news of some English or German ship. 
Then we went forward, and finally reached the settle- 
ment called Archangel City,” five leagues further down 

260 


ARCHANGEL 


the river, and at the mouth of its estuary. The popula- 
tion of Archangel, to my judgment, is about 12,000 
householders [or 54,000 souls]; it is a very famous 
port, where the French, English and German ships 
having commerce with the northern regions of Asia 
- discharge their cargoes. ‘There is here a great break- 
water, which covers the entrance to the port; and this 
last faces south, being very spacious and safe where 
vessels may anchor. Very often there are as many as 
400 ships lying in this harbour, and the customs levied 
here bring in a good revenue to the Duke of Muscovy. 
We Stayed twenty days in Archangel, getting through 
our business, and finally made arrangements to embark 
in a Flemish ship of a thousand tons burden, chartered 
to sail from this port and well armed, having twenty 
pieces of cannon. 

And here it will be well not to pass over in silence 
a business matter which we settled with Sir Anthony 
Sherley, and the sequel to which will be told later. 
Sir Anthony was a man of great parts, although short 
of Stature, and he was much given to ostentation, in 
spite of the fact that fortune had not dowered him with 
wealth. As became evident later, he had always had 
a mind to get the better of us, and thereto he was helped 
by the order given us by Shah “Abbas that we should 
always attend to what Sir Anthony advised, he being 
more experienced with foreigners in business matters 
than we. When, therefore, we were now about to 
embark on our sea voyage, Sir Anthony told us that it 
would be much safer not to carry the great cases con- 
taining our presents for the various Christian sovereigns 
with us in the Flemish ship, seeing that she was an old 
vessel and not of burden to bear such heavy goods. 
And further, that if we should encounter bad weather, 
and that they should have to lighten the ship by throw- 
ing cargo overboard, the cases with our presents would 
infallibly be the first to go. Then he told us that he 

261 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


had a great friend in Archangel, an Englishman, who 
was master of a very fine Stout ship, and that he would 
take charge of our cases, and deliver them to us again 
safely when we got to Rome. All this, therefore, 
appearing to us trustworthy and reasonable, we con- 
signed our great chests to this Englishman, as Sir 
Anthony had advised us, but what happened with them 
afterwards will appear in a subsequent chapter. 


262 


CHAPTER IV 


As to what followed in our navigation of the Ar&ic Sea, and of the notable 
things that we saw. 


Ir 1s proper that we should now describe the manner 
of folk who inhabit this sea coast. The men and the 
women are both of one appearance in the face, the men 
having neither beards nor eyebrows; further, they are 
of very short stature, so that if any people may be 
named in truth the Pygmies, they are the [Lapps]. 
They are smaller even than any of the dwarfs that we 
have in Spain. These people mount and ride on stags 
and hinds [called reindeer]. ‘The eyes of these men are 
so small that scarcely can they see out of them. All 
are very superstitious, and their wizards promise by 
their witchcraft to grant fine weather to those about 
to navigate their seas, and they pretend to sell good 
fortune. They came to us offering, if we could pay 
handsomely, that they would ensure us fair weather, but 
our ambassador questioned how forsooth could they 
promise what was in the hands of God, and so dis- 
missed them. 

We now set sail, and during forty days we never saw 
night, for the sun was always up; but at the end of that 
time we had darkness again, with the moon and the 
stars. In these seas we came on many ships of English 
corsairs, and two of these would fain have attacked and 
robbed us. We, however, made ready to fight, and 
the cannon were manned; but when they got near the 
Englishmen of our crew hailed the others, saying who 
we were, so they offered us no hurt. Then coming 
aboard the corsair Englishmen saw the Franciscan 
Friar a passenger in our ship, and wanted to know why 
we did not throw that devil into the sea—on which 

263 


DON JUAN OF PERG 


we told them that the king of Persia had expressly 
commanded us to carry him along with us; and they 
paid no more heed to him. ‘These questions and 
answers now being given and received, the corsairs 
took their leave of us, but warning us to beware of 
twelve other Christian ships that were cruising in those 
parts. Very soon after we had parted company with 
them, so great a tempest arose that we all repented us of 
having embarked on board ship. ‘The force of the 
storm was such that not a rope of our rigging was left 
Standing uninjured. At last we had to furl all sail, 
and let the ship run before the wind, steering by rudder 
as best we might and trusting to God’s mercy. More 
than once we thought we were lost by reason of the 
great seas that poured down our hatchways in the 
upper deck, and all hands were constantly at work on 
the pumps. At the end of five days the weather abated, 
the squalls ceased to burst on us, and a Cara 
wind springing up behind we sailed on and came 
finally to anchor. 

But another ship that we during the gale bad seen 
near us did not have this good fortune, and though our 
seamen set out in our skiff to help, they came too late. 
Some of the cargo indeed was salved, but not one of 
the crew could be picked up, all being drowned, so 
that we never knew from whence that ship had come. 
During the time that we were navigating this sea we saw 
wondrous varieties of fishes: some so great that we had 
held them to be ships that were driving over the surface 
of the deep. We saw, too, great numbers of those fish 
called sea-horses;' these go in squadrons of thirty 
together, and they came up close to the ship's side, 
putting us in some fear; whereupon and seeing them 
so near we discharged one of our cannon, on which they 
avoided us. From this great northern ocean we had 
now come forth, but suffering so from sea-sickness that 
our faces no longer were of good colour; all that we did 

264 


STADE 


eat we did cast up again. ‘Then after navigating for 
two whole months in these northern seas, we began 
again to have sight of land—for the which we had 
greatly longed—and we came to the mouth of a great 
river, up which the ship sailed to [Stade] a harbour 
Standing at the head of its estuary.? And now, in the 
sight of us all, our Franciscan Friar dressed himself 
in Persian clothes, for this place is wholly inhabited 
by Lutherans, and Sir Anthony had assured him that 
should it become known as how he was by religion a 
Papist, infallibly they would tear him to pieces. 

The harbour [of Stade] is but a small place, and it 
is entirely inhabited by fisher-folk. Our ship having 
salled up the [Elbe] estuary we now disembarked, but 
later came down again to the river mouth aboard two 
galleys into which we had trans-shipped. ‘The [Elbe] 
estuary is here so broad that great ships can pass along 
it, and the banks of the river above are studded with 
towns, numbering, it is said, in all more than a thousand. 
From the place where we were now lying might be 
discovered somewhat of the lands pertaining to Suabia 
and to the Duchy of Wiirtemberg, also to Nuremberg, 
Franconia, Bavaria, Hesse and Bucavia.* These, 
indeed, are lands lying far from where we had been 
sailing, but nearer at hand might be perceived the 
country of Minden, also Brunswick and Luneberg. 
We had now turned round in the galleys, and following 
out from the estuary [of the Elbe], after three days 
more journeying came toa city which is called Embden, 
which has a population of over 30,000 householders 
[or 135,000 souls]. It has many fine buildings, and 
one of the strongest fortresses of all that countryside. 
The roofs of all the houses here are covered with lead, 
a matter which at a distance gives them a very pleasing 
appearance, for in the daytime when the sun is 
shining they all seem as though roofed with silver. 
From this city there came out to receive us a captain 


265 


DON (JUAN OOF PERS 
on behalf of the Prince* of this district; but we shall 


not be able to give any very particular account of his 
lands, because we brought no Letter of Credence from 
the king of Persia for him, and we were further much 
embarrassed by our Friar, who trembled from terror, 
knowing that all the people were Lutheran.° 

The city of Embden stands between two famous 
rivers [the Weser and the Elbe], having them on either 
hand, and it lies two days” journey from the sea. The 
port here has much trade, and its merchants are always 
abundantly supplied with goods, which for the most 
part are English. Having next disembarked, they 
lodged us in a house, that was a sort of hostel, very 
clean, however, and curiously furnished, for it con- 
tained more than a hundred beds, each with its feather 
mattress and holland sheets. Here they entertained 
us suitably; and the following day that same captain 
came, conducting us to the palace of the Prince, to 
whom we made a presentation of Persian head-dresses 
and some pieces of stuff and cloths. These he was 
pleased to receive very graciously, and invited us to 
dine with him the following day. The great feast he 
gave us lasted during six hours, and, it being the custom 
and habit of this country, they made us drink so much, 
that many of us were overcome with the slumbers of 
drunkenness. What we found most notable in this 
country was the head-dress of the women. It resembles 
a round shield, which just above the face juts out, as 
one might say, as do the tiled gables of the roofs in 
Spain, and the same is to shelter the face from the 
continued rains and snows of their climate. And it 
appeared to me that in no other country did I ever see 
so many beautiful women collected all together as here 
might be seen. ‘The day afterwards we were engaged 
in seeing the Prince’s treasury and armoury, in which 
were many precious objects. These truly were well 
worth the sight, though indeed not more than the 

266 


THURINGIA 


common. But they showed us, among other matters, 
a Storage-house for wheat, so huge, with so many 
separate granaries, and these so full of corn, that we 
were assured there was a supply here to last ninety 
years. ‘his we could scarce credit, but they insisted 
so much on it, that we ended by believing them. But 
this wheat of theirs has in it no heart, and is all husk, 
and the grain is longer than it is in Spanish wheat; 
on the other hand, in substance it is no heavier than the 
grain of our oats, being less even than the weight of 
rye. This sort of wheat we too have in Persia, and 
the Persians know it by the name Chaudar. 

From the city of Embden we set forth, travelling 
in eight coaches after a week’s sojourn, and came to 
another town called Aurich, well walled and with a 
population of 10,000 householders [45,000 souls]. 
It has a fortress that seems very strong, and we stayed 
here one day, but the ways of the people presented 
nothing to remark, and I shall say no more about 
them. From here in two days we came on to a place 
of no great size, but very strongly fortified, which was 
called Freudenberg. ‘Travelling further we reached a 
town of the name of Nienburg, whose population 1s 
considerable, and as far as we could judge it is strongly 
defended by fortifications. ‘The next day we went on 
again to another city which is called Oldenburg, well 
walled, and with a fortress; and all these places and 
forts are, for the most part, very carefully guarded and 
defended, their gates being shut at nightfall, and on 
no account opened again until eight of the clock next 
morning. ‘This is because each belongs to a different 
lordship, each prince being the enemy of his neighbour, 
who is the chief of another government, and some of 
these are Catholics. We now came to Thuringia, 
which is under the Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel and 
is one of the most fertile regions of Germany. Thurin- 
gia is the country that lies between the rivers Saale 


267 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


and Werra, and it is the place which Georgius Agricola” 
says 1s the very Heart of Germany. The province 
is not very broad or long, but it is the most densely 
populated of any district in the whole world; for within 
a limit of about twelve German miles square it comprises 
twelve countships or regions, in which are massed 140 
walled cities, and a like number of open townships, 
also 2,000 hamlets, 150 fortresses and 12 abbeys. 
The first town that we now came to was called 
Weimar,” the next was Alsfeld, and the third is the 
great city of Kassel, a very large place, Strongly fortified 
and very populous, the town wall being so broadly 
built that three coaches can drive abreast along it. 
Kassel further has a fortress with an earthen rampart 
that protects it perfectly against any artillery that they 
may bring against it. As soon as the Landgrave® 
heard of our approach he sent his chamberlain to meet 
us with three coaches, each lined in black velvet, and 
in these we were brought to the palace. The Prince 
now received our ambassador and Sir Anthony and the 
rest of us very amiably, showing such courtesy as was 
due to the rank of each one. They then lodged us 
in certain rooms of the palace, very sumptuously fur- 
nished and with beds in richly embroidered hangings. 
The Prince bestowed our servants at various hostels, 
bearing himself the cost, and all were well provided for 
during the ten days that we remained here. Every day 
they showed us some new sight. One day it was a 
room with walls of white stone, as might be alabaster, 
and each stone was set with such art that no joint or 
pointing was to be seen round door or window, and it 
was as though Nature herself had made it all of one 
piece. We judged this indeed to be one of the rarest 
sights that we saw in the court of any prince. The 
Landgrave also showed us the cabinet of his jewel- 
house, full of an inestimable quantity of precious 
stones, more particularly diamonds. But the most 
268 


RAS ETS 


wondrous sight of richness that we noticed was, that 
instead of tapestry, the walls of this cabinet from ceiling 
to floor were entirely sheathed in slabs of unworked 
coral, a matter most wondrous to look upon. 

We must not either pass over in silence the Prince's 
armoury and stables, for both are extensive and very 
curious to visit, being so well furnished that it appeared 
to me ten thousand horsemen could be provided there- 
from with all necessary equipment. There was not a 
night, while we remained in Kassel, that they did not 
give some particular entertainment in our honour. 
And more especially on one occasion when the Prince’s 
son, the heir-apparent, a boy of twelve, with other 
youths of a like age, the flower of their nobility, all 
most sumptuously apparelled, jousted in a tourney, by 
the light of torches. ‘Then after ten days’ sojourn we 
finally departed from Kassel with many presents of 
sweetmeats bestowed upon us. Indeed, in all my 
life I never saw more things made of sugar than here. 
On the very first day, when we dined with the Prince, 
the loaves of bread, the napkins, knives and salt-cellars 
that stood on the table, all were made of sugar, as also 
the various kinds of fruit. And in every case each 
item exactly resembled and imitated the form and 
texture of the object it simulated. Great was the 
laughter when we tried to cut some fruit with these 
knives, which, of course, crumbled and went to pieces 
in our hands. For our journey onwards all our neces- 
sities were well provided for. Before going the Land- 
grave had presented to our ambassador two goblets 
of gold, and to each member of his suite one goblet 
apiece likewise. On the last day before we left they 
had brought us out to see two galleys that were in the 
river which here runs by the palace walls, and on ship- 
board we saw a new fashion of artillery of most in- 
genious make, for each piece every half-hour could be 
made to discharge forty rounds in succession. 


269 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA. 


The Landgrave appointed a captain of his Guards 
to go with us through his territories, and a sufficient 
escort, till we should come to the frontier of the Empire. 
Further, he had commissioned this captain as a special 
ambassador with us to the Emperor, for he had been 
much pleased at the receipt of the Letter which we 
brought him from the king of Persia, which same 
Sir Anthony had presented: and, in consequence, he 
now proposed to join the Emperor with 12,000 troops, 
when these princes together should march against 
the Turkish Sultan. We therefore set out joyfully, 
travelling through the various cities of the Landgrave, 
which are many in number and magnificent in their 
richness. Of those that we more particularly noted 
are the following: Leipzig, Roberg, Quimendec, Jub, 
Quimidac, Labinc, Aslaben,® Xipric, Wilfuesen and 
Perbyn, which is the last town in the State of Hesse- 
Kassel. ‘Then we entered the territories of the Duke 
of Saxony, through which we passed travelling more 
expeditiously. ‘The Duchy of Saxony has within it 
the territories of Mansfeld, Magdeburg, and Misnia,”° 
though many count this last as lying outside the duchy. 
Saxony is divided into Upper and Lower. Of Upper 
Saxony the chief town is Wittenberg, one of the finest 
and strongest fortresses of these parts. Of Lower 
Saxony the capital is the famous city of Halle, standing 
on the river Saale, and to the west of it lies the great 
city of Mansfeld, the chief town of a district that 
supplies the whole of Europe with minerals, worked in 
the mines round and about. To the westward, and 
Standing on the banks of the river Elbe, is the very 
strong city of Magdeburg, which is divided into three 
quarters; and it is held to be useless to besiege and 
impossible to take this place, by reason of the strength of 
its walls and the depth of the ditches that surround it. 

We entered the Saxon Duchy, passing by the town of 
Beltcy,** where there are many silver-mines. All the 

270 


SAXONY 


people hereabout that we met were unhealthy and 
of bad colour, more particularly those whose business 
1t was to work down in the mines: and this is a manifest 
proof how harmful is the quicksilver, which they come 
across in the workings. This mineral, indeed, is 
generally found mixed up with other substances in the 
veins of metal which underlie the ground throughout 
these districts. All along the roads as we passed 
through the Duchy of Saxony we noticed a very great 
number of windmills, and seeing that the rivers in this 
region are powerful streams, and that the Germans are 
men of much ingenuity, I wondered—seeing the 
number of saw-mills established everywhere, and set 
to work by water, for cutting the wood used in the 
mines—that they should solely depend for the grinding 
of the flour for their bread on the uncertainty of the 
wind. The second city of Saxony that we came to 
was Ilmenau, and the third Leipzig.” 
_ This last is a very large town, with a considerable 
population, and its buildings seemed to me to be of the 
best of any that we had seen since we had come to 
travel through Europe. Here the Duke of Saxony 
has his palace, where he resides. ‘The present Duke’® 
is indeed a youth of fourteen or fifteen, and the day 
that we passed in his capital he had gone out hunting, 
so that we did not ‘see him, and in fact he took no 
notice whatever of our ambassador’s coming. We 
therefore only stayed that one day at his court, and we 
shall give no further account of him. From this city 
we and the captain who was the ambassador of the 
Landgrave of Hesse to the Emperor passed on entering 
the Empire and came to the first Imperial city which 
lies beyond the Saxon border, and which is called 
Aussig.!* 


271 


CHAPTER V 


As to how we arrived at the Court of the Emperor of Germany, and of 
what happened to us there, till the time when we left. 


Now when we had come to Aussig we forthwith made 
arrangements to proceed on to the Court of the Emperor, 
and journeying forward passed through the following 
places: Neutri, Estratassenc, Berexen, Klussen, Kling, 
Pouscin,* and so to Trinka, which last is but three 
leagues” from the Imperial capital. 

The cosmographers are wont to divide Germany 
into High and Low, but indeed I do not know why 
they should call the Low Countries Germany, for not 
Germans but Flemings are the people who inhabit 
these parts. Giovanni Botero?” gives the name of 
Germany to all those lands where the language is 
German or Teutonic, and he includes under this name 
all the country extending from the Meuse to the 
Vistula, and from the Alps to the German Ocean. 
What, however, we now have to deal with is High 
Germany, which is a most noble country, having very 
many fine populous cities, for the Teutons excel all 
other nations in the neatness and beauty of their houses 
and streets, the buildings being constructed either of 
Stone or of timber, or of both together. Besides 
the country ruled directly by his Imperial Majesty, 
Germany includes within its boundaries many lesser 
Potentates and Powers, such as the rulers of Austria, 
Denmark, Saxony and Thuringia; further, there are 
the Ecclesiastical States, to wit, Mainz, Treves and 
Cologne; next the Palatinate of Cleves on the Rhine, 
and Magdeburg, besides which there are many other 
cities. The land is throughout most fertile and easy 
to work, so that with a single horse enough can be 

272 


GERMANY 
ploughed to keep a family for a whole year. We find 


here many kinds of wild animals and birds, and very 
particularly horses are bred here abundantly. Wine 
is made in most parts, especially in Alsace, and on the 
banks of the Neckar and the Rhine, also in Austria. 
Germany is famous for its fine rivers, as for instance 
the Danube, which is the greatest river of all Europe; 
next come the Rhine, the Elbe, the Oder, the Meuse, 
the Moselle, the Neckar, the Main, the Inn, the 
Moldau, the Ems and the Weser, with some others. 
There are many broad lakes, but those of greatest 
size are found in Switzerland: such are the Lakes of 
Leman, and Neuchatel, with those of Lucerne, 
Zurich and Constance. ‘There are also in Germany 
many great forests, indeed the greatest in all the world, 
and more particularly three, which are: that known as 
the Black Forest, which lies round the sources of the 
Danube; secondly, the Vronica Forest, which is in 
Franconia; and the Hercynian Forest, which covers 
Bohemia and extends as far as Muscovy. Throughout 
most of Germany all kinds of minerals are found very 
abundantly, such as iron, lead, copper, tin and steel; 
there are, too, some gold mines, and these mines taken 
one with another are estimated to produce a revenue 
of at least a million crowns yearly. Much sulphur, 
saltpetre and alum-Stone comes to hand, also there are 
salt mines. As to the costumes and accoutrements 
of the Germans both are well known in Spain, and no 
exact specification will be needed here of their various 
nationalities, customs, assemblies and diets. What, 
however, may be deemed most interesting and worthy 
to be noted among such matters, concern the customs 
observed in connection with the election of his Imperial 
Majesty the Emperor, but this, indeed, has been 
described fully by many grave authors, and he who 
would know how the Cesar must be chosen, let him 
consult the Bull of the sainted Pope Gregory V 


2/73 T 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


[a.D. 996], and the Constitutions [called the Golden 
Bull] of the Emperor Charles IV, in the year 1356, 
and he will then know all that is needful as regards this 
matter. 

There are many most noble cities in Germany, as 
Cleves in the duchy of that name, with Crefeld and 
Duisburg; others are of the Duchy of Jiilich, to wit, 
Duren, and many more might be mentioned. ‘Thus 
on the banks of the famous river Rhine lie Cologne 
and Neuss in the Duchy of Westphalia. Cities with 
a great population are Paderborn and Osnabruck, also 
Miingter on the Moselle, with Treves in Alsace. 
Between Austria and Bale lies Strasbourg, one of the 
strongest and richest cities in all Germany; and lastly, 
in Switzerland, which is the highest land of all Europe, 
there are the famous Thirteen Cantons. I have 
given this short description of Germany [taking it 
from the work of Giovanni Botero], for I myself indeed 
did not see more of the country than what I could note 
from the direét road as I passed through the land 
travelling to the Imperial Court, and thence on to 
Italy. It is certainly one of the most celebrated 
districts of Europe, being the seat and state of his 
Imperial Majesty, and I informed myself with particu- 
lar care of all details from persons worthy of credit. 
From the first moment when I set out from Isfahan 
on my journey, I diligently carried out the intention 
I had made to write down carefully all I saw, in order 
to give an account thereof later to the king of Persia: 
and now through the merciful grace of God I hope, 
in the first place, to be granted to lay the same at the 
feet of his Catholic Majesty King Philip III, our lord 
and sovereign. 

Returning now to the subject of our journey, finding 
ourselves in the town of Trinka, which lies five leagues 
distant from Prague, where [Rudolf 11] was holding 
his Imperial Court, we sent forward to his Majesty 


274 


EXNTPEROR-> RUDOLF TI 


craving of him his permission to proceed with our em- 
bassy. It took five days to send and get back the answer; 
butat the end of this time his Imperial Majesty despatched 
one of his chamberlains to us and six coaches to bring 
us in to the capital.* Before we reached the city, 
however, nay, at a considerable distance outside the 
walls, his Grand Chamberlain, with six other splendid 
coaches came out to meet us, and as far as I could 
judge there were more than ten thousand persons along 
with him, who followed out from Prague to see us 
enter, and all these persons were either in coaches or 
on horseback. Among the rest there appeared all 
the ambassadors of the various kings and princes of 
Christendom who were in residence and accredited to 
the Imperial Court, and these accompanied us in, with 
much rejoicing and pomp, until they finally left us at 
our lodgings. These were given us in a great palace 
which had been apportioned to us Persians, while 
a like lodgement had been set apart for the English- 
men. Later his Majesty did send us guards for our 
palace, and many of his servants came to wait on us; 
further, he appointed for the expenses of our table, 
daily, the sum of 150 crowns.” 

At the end of a week, when we had rested, his 
Majesty sent his secretary to us with his commands, 
and on the following day they came and took us up in 
five coaches, when we were brought to the great 
Imperial Palace [of the Hradschin], the most sumptuous 
and beautiful building that we had ever yet seen. 
From the outer gate to the first staircase there were 
ranged on either hand four different regiments of the 
Imperial Guards, each company armed differently, 
and we passed up between them. On reaching the 
top of the stairs the chamberlains of his Majesty 
came out to meet us, and they with the grandees there 
present and the nobles accompanied us thence as far 
as the Imperial antechamber. On entering the door 


275 


DON JUAN. OF PERSTA 


of this great hall, where his Majesty was awaiting us, 
these chamberlains and nobles stood back, and we went 
in alone. We found his Majesty” standing on a most 
beautiful carpet at the upper end of the hall; against 
the wall here was a chair, on the back of which his hand 
was resting, and beyond the carpet there was stationed 
in attendance his Chief Secretary, who is the inter- 
preter, greatly skilled in many languages in which 
he can converse, and who is a personage very 
high in favour with the Emperor. Our ambas- 
sador advancing made his obeisance, then kneeling 
on the ground he presented the Letter of the king 
of Persia, and this the Emperor, reaching forward, 
took. 

Then through the interpreter he enquired if the 
ambassador were well, and how he had come, and if 
he from the fatigue of his journey were now well rested. 
The ambassador answered to all this, through the 
interpreter, with due respect and courtesy, and then 
severally named to his Majesty each of us Persian 
gentlemen who were of his company and suite, we being 
sent hither, he said, with him by the king of Persia. 
On this his Majesty ordered every one of us separately 
to be brought forward and presented to him, and 
through his interpreter enquired of each of us how 
we had fared, showing thus his favour to us, and all 
with an affable condescension that was more remarkable 
even than the imperial majesty of his demeanour, and 
with that incomparable nobility of bearing character- 
istic of the House of Austria, and which is the distinétion 
of his Imperial race. ‘The Emperor afterwards dis- 
missed the ambassador very graciously to his lodgings, 
giving answer to his message saying that he, the 
Emperor, would, after being well informed, consider 
carefully what the king of Persia had requested of him 
in his Letter, and that if the matter were possible he 
would have pleasure in complying with it. Then one 

276 


PRAGUE 


of his Majesty’s chamberlains in attendance brought 
us back to the palace where we were lodged, and 
left us. | 

In the days following we uften rode out in coaches to 
view the city, which is of a very considerable popula- 
tion, with fine houses, exceedingly well built.’ A 
great river [called the Moldau] flows through the city, 
making it the more beautiful and pleasant, across which 
river stretches a magnificent bridge which connects 
together the two chief quarters of the city, and linking 
these up with the third quarter, which is called Old 
Prague. ‘This bridge, as I myself measured it, is 
400 paces in length. The climate here [in the month 
of November] is so cold that this great river was at that 
time completely frozen over; and there is not a house 
throughout Prague, be it of the poorest, that has not 
a great stove in it for warmth. His Majesty next 
ordered us to be shown his armoury, the jewel-house, 
the imperial wardrobe, and the stables; in all of which 
establishments we noticed many notable objects. 
Further they showed us cages containing many extra- 
ordinary animals, and more particularly we saw four 
lions and four tigers of the largest size that ever we 
could have imagined. 

For the next three months we took our ease resting 
at the Imperial Court, during all which time they 
entertained us sumptuously, and then [in the spring 
of 1601] the Emperor sent granting us permission 
to depart on our further journey. ‘To the ambassador 
he now gave fifty pieces of silver-gilt plate—namely, 
dishes, lavers, plates, flagons and candlesticks; also 
4,000 ducats for the expenses of the way. To each of 
us gentlemen of the suite he sent a very large tankard 
in silver-gilt, and to accompany it, 200 crowns” for 
road money. ‘Iwo coaches being now provided, we 
set forth from Prague accompanied by an Imperial 
Chamberlain, and came the first day to a town called 


277 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Beraun, where we slept. The next morning the 
chamberlain took his leave of us, returning to the 
capital, and we passed on to our journey down into 
Italy, travelling at first through many and various 
cities of the Empire, as will be detailed in the following 
chapter more particularly. 


278 


CHAPTER VI 


Of the journey we made through Germany and Italy, coming to Rome, 
and of the reception that his Holiness granted to us there, and how we 
came on thence and finally reached Spain. 


Tue chamberlain of his Imperial Majesty having taken 
his leave of us in the town of Beraun, we next day con- 
tinued our journey, passing through the following 
places: Rokitsan, Pilsen, Kladrau, Pfraumberg, Waid- 
hausen, Fuderitz, Wernberg, Hirschau, Hahnbach 
and Sulzbach.* This last is a very populous town, with 
most beautiful houses, and though we passed in haste 
through it, the prince and lord of the same, whose name 
is Otto Heinrich, received and entertained us nobly, 
ordering us to be supplied with all that we needed 
during the day of our sojourn with him. Thence we 
came on to the town of Hersbruck, and next to a place 
called Lauf, well built and of a considerable population, 
and indeed Hersbruck also had seemed to us very fine 
in its situation and its houses very admirably built. 
¡Travelling on we now came to Nuremberg, where we 
Stayed for three days. This is a very populous city, 
and its streets and squares are well kept; the number 
of its population is so great that 1t has the appearance 
of a capital city. The governor of all the district 
round and about Niiremberg, who is a prince appointed 
over the city by the Emperor, gave us a fine reception. 
He sent us many presents, and among the rest some 
flagons and cups of silver-gilt, and these of no mean 
value; indeed, to each of us of the suite he did also give 
some present. For our journey onwards from Nirem- 
berg to Augsburg, in place of travelling by coaches we 
went in haste, riding post, passing through the following 
towns, namely: Kornberg, Roth, Windsfeld, Ellingen, 


279 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Weissenburg, Múnchem,* Kaisheim, Donauwórt, and 
thence to Augsburg. ‘This last is a city with a large 
population, and the sumptuousness of all its houses is 
good to see, these being as they should be, seeing that 
this city was founded by the Imperial [Cesar Augus- 
tus]. It is indeed a great republic and the chief city 
of many districts, to judge by the concourse of the 
nobility here and its immense trade. In Augsburg 
we Stayed six days, and the governor, who is a very 
noble and powerful prince, treated us with special 
hospitality, every day providing us with a different 
entertainment. From here we took carriages again, 
and travelled in them to the city of Munich. 

Munich is the capital of a separate duchy, and the 
duke and lord of this country is known as the Pious 
Duke.’ He treated us most ‘generously, lodging us in 
rooms of his own palace. He showed us his jewel- 
house therein, which is most rich in precious stones, 
and more especially in well-wrought pieces of plate, 
both silver and gold. Among the rest that they showed 
us, that seemed very curious, was a garden, and in its 
midst was a dining-saloon after a strange fashion. 
There was a fountain cut in stone, and of the same 
material all round it were the figures of every species of 
animal, bird and fish of which description is made, and 
each one of these figures throws out water from its 
mouth. A whole month would not be sufficient for 
anyone completely to examine all these objects. 
Having stayed three days in Munich, the Duke gave us 
coaches, and one of his chamberlains to go with us, 
adding all that was necessary for the journey, and then, 
most grateful for his hospitable reception, we took our 
leave of this noble prince. We now entered Italy, 
having left the lands of the Empire behind us, and 
because our destination was first to the Signory of 
Venice, before going on to Rome, we went straight to 
Mantua, which was the first notable city of Italy that 

280 


MANTUA 


we visited. This place would indeed be worthy of 
description, were it but for the strangeness of its site, 
for Mantua stands on the border of a great lake of clear 
water, deep enough to float an ordinary galley. The 
city itself is large and populous, and its palaces are 
magnificent. It is built after the Italian fashion of 
architecture, being divided up in quarters, and the 
Streets are laid out in such a manner that each Street 
gives a vista down before it. There is a well-built 
and huge city wall, which the lake encircles, and at 
the four corners of the city are four strong forts, which 
make Mantua impregnable. 

The Duke and Prince, who is of the illustrious 
house of Gonzaga,* sent coaches and his chamberlain 
to meet us, and in these we entered Mantua. The 
Duke very graciously came to the antechamber of his 
palace to receive us, ordering that we should be lodged 
within the palace itself, which is most richly furnished, 
for the Duke is much given to hospitality. Here we 
Stayed for two days. We were shown his rich jewels, 
and more particularly his pictures, which are very 
fine, being by great painters; also his wardrobe, full 
of the national dresses of divers foreign countries, 
Having then received us at a banquet and given us 
many entertainments, he ordered that a galley should 
be provided for us, in which we now embarked, and he 
sent his servants to accompany us as far as Florence. 
We, however, had first to turn back towards Venice, 
to present the Letter of the king of Persia to the Doge 
and Signory, before we should proceed on to Rome. 
We therefore travelled in the galley for a day’s journey 
from the mouth of the lake down the river [Mincio] 
and landing came to a town called Otranto.° From 
here we went on to Verona, which is a city in the 
Venetian territory, and one of the most beautiful towns 
of Europe. We delayed here during three days, 
awaiting the return of a gentleman® who had been 

281 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


despatched by our ambassador to Venice to beg per- 
mission of the Doge and Signory for us to wait on them. 
The Venetians, however, now sent for answer that as 
a Turkish ambassador was at that very time with them 
treating of important matters of state, it would not be 
convenient for them to receive us: since it did not seem 
suitable, in the presence of the Turkish envoy, to pass 
to the entertainment of an ambassador of the king of 
Persia—these two Powers being notoriously contrary 
one to the other—lest some mischance prejudicial to 
the Christian state should result. All that we might 
require, however, should be forthwith sent us. To the 
which message our ambassador, being affronted, gave 
answer, that he cared not a jot for the Turkish ambassa- 
dor, nor would pass comment on this discourtesy of 
the Signory of Venice; and the visit being thus put off, | 
we proceeded on our journey and came to Ferrara. 
From here we sent forward a gentleman to the Grand 
Duke of Florence’ to inform him of our coming, and 
forthwith he despatched to us his chief chamberlain, 
who arranged for our lodgings on the way thither. 
When we had come to Florence, the Duke, who was 
not in residence, being abroad on a hunting expedi- 
tion, sent orders for them to give us rooms in his 
own palace, and many of his nobles came half a 
league outside the city gate to receive us, they bringing 
us in riding in three magnificent coaches. ‘Thus we 
came to the palace surrounded by a multitude of persons, 
where the Grand Duke’s own servants waited on us. 
Then when we had been in Florence a fortnight, well 
entertained and seeing all the sights of this most famous 
city, which is notable for the richness of its many 
magnificent buildings, the Duke sent for us to come to 
him in Pisa, where he was residing with the Grand 
Duchess. On arrival we were received by his brother 
the prince Giovanni de’ Medici, who next brought us 
to the palace, where the Duke and Duchess gave us a 
282 


LEGHORN 


very affable reception. Here they kept us ten days, 
with princely entertainment, showing us the rich and 
curious treasures that are the property of the Duke. 
Afterwards they took us to Leghorn to see a new city 
that was being built there, and which will be a very 
magnificent place. ‘There is also a fortress in the 
building, and a safe entrance to be made to the harbour, 
which will then become one of the finest ports in all 
the Mediterranean Sea. ‘To do these works they have 
here more than five thousand slaves at work. The 
Grand Duke now presented our ambassador with a 
fine gold chain to go round his neck sixteen times, 
supporting a medallion with his portrait, set in precious 
stones; and he gave another of like value to Sir Anthony 
Sherley. The gentlemen of the suite he honoured 
and gave presents to likewise. Then appointing one 
of his chamberlains to accompany us, he instructed 
him to pay all our travelling expenses as far as Rome, 
and so dismissed us. 

Thus we took our leave of him, and proceeded on to 
Siena, where we remained while a gentleman was 
sent forward to Rome, riding post, to inform the Pope® 
that we were stopping in Siena awaiting permission to 
come and kiss the foot of his Holiness. After three 
days that we were waiting in Siena his Holiness sent a 
Cardinal to us, who welcomed us in his name, and gave 
orders in all matters that were necessary for our enter- 
tainment. Now here in the city of Siena our ambassa- 
dor had a quarrel with Sir Anthony Sherley, and 
matters would have come to a bad pass, had not the 
Cardinal, whom his Holiness had sent to us, been 
present to compose the dispute, though indeed he could 
not prevail on our ambassador to allow Sir Anthony to 
enter Rome in his company, as originally it had been 
intended. The cause of this quarrel of our ambassador 
with Sir Anthony was in the matter of the thirty-two 
chests of presents, which, as already explained, had 

283 


DON JUAN OF PERS 


been given in charge of the English shipmaster [at 
Archangel] to be brought direct to Rome. The 
ambassador was now demanding of Sir Anthony the 
due delivery of these chests, in order that he might 
make his Holiness a suitable present from what was in 
them, which, indeed, would have been a gift of much, 
magnificence. It now appeared that the whole affair had 
been a cheat, for no chests had ever been brought to 
Rome, Sir Anthony having sold or bartered away 
their contents, namely those seven gifts of price 
[for the Pope and the Princes], to that English 
merchant captain, while we were travelling by sea in 
the Baltic Gulf or Northern Ocean. This in truth 
was the fact of what had happened, for afterwards we 
had notice how our pieces of brocade and cloths had 
afterwards all been publicly sold by the English 
merchants in Muscovy.? 

At length, however, this quarrel between us was 
accommodated by the kind offices of the Cardinal, and 
we went on to Rome, where a nephew of the Pope came 
out to receive us a league beyond the city gate in 
company with a following of Roman gentlemen. 
Many coaches too had been sent out for our con- 
venience and honour, but it was thought to be more 
seemly that we should ride, and so we entered Rome, 
each of us Persians, on horseback, accompanied by two 
Roman gentlemen riding on either hand, while the 
nephew of his Holiness had the ambassador on the 
one hand, with another great nobleman on the further 
side. The whole country outside the gate appeared 
on this occasion so thronged with coaches that 1 reckon 
there were more than one thousand of them, and more 
than four thousand gentlemen on horseback or riding 
mules, while the number of those on foot who had come 
out to meet us was quite incalculable. As we entered 
the city more than a hundred pieces of artillery were 
fired in a salute from the Castle of Saint Angelo and 

284 


ROME 


from neighbouring towers, also a volley from the Papal 
matchlockmen, who thus were charged to do us honour 
at our coming. On entering the city they conducted 
us to a house, or palace, not very far from the Vatican 
Palace, where the Pope was in residence, and thither 
to us came a chamberlain of his Holiness, who offered 
to all of us much hospitality, and he lodged with us 
afterwards, providing till we departed whatever we 
required, and ordering everything for our convenience. 
Then, after we had been taking our rest for three days 
in Rome, his Holiness sent ordering us to come to 
him. And it was then again that our ambassador had 
trouble on account of the doings of Sir Anthony, for he 
had to send to the Pope saying how impossible it was 
for him to go that day to kiss the foot of his Holiness, 
because he lacked the needful present, which Sir 
Anthony had cheated him of, and prevented his bring- 
ing—as already has been explained. But the Pope 
sent answer that the matter of presents was of no 
importance, that he himself would see to the affair 
later and make some arrangement to remedy the evil. ' 

Our ambassador thereupon consented to present 
himself, and accompanied by many gentlemen we set 
out for the Sacred Palace, and as we entered all the 
Cardinals came out to meet us, conduéting us to the 
hall, where we found his Holiness seated on the Ponti- 
fical Throne. At his feet, before it, was spread a 
carpet, on which were cushions, on one of which the 
ambassador took his seat, after having duly kissed the 
Pope’s foot. His Holiness then gave us his blessing, 
saying, “ May God make you Christians ”; and on this 
the ambassador, with due respect, gave him the Letter 
from the king of Persia. This the Pope received 
honourably, and then conversed, through the inter- 
preter, for some time with our ambassador, who among 
other matters acquainted him with the fraud and 
craft of Sir Anthony in the matter of the presents. To 

285 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


which his Holiness replied: “1 do not chastise those 
who come to me, and still less those who are sent to 
me by the king of Persia. Let them carry him to the 
king of Spain, and let his Majesty chastise him.” 
Soon after this the ambassador asked leave to retire, 
when his Holiness, on rising, again gave us his blessing 
and then went out. The Cardinals afterwards con- 
ducted us as far as the palace gate, whence the Papal 
chamberlain had charge of us to our lodging. Each 
day after this his Holiness would send to enquire how 
we fared, and then would give command that we should 
go out and see the sights of Rome. And daily the 
Cardinals or Princes would come to call on the am- 
bassador, and then we all would go out to see those 
_ great churches and holy relics; and on the banks of 
the Tiber we would visit the various gardens and many 
orchards thereabout. 

After we had passed two months thus in Rome, his 
Holiness sent our ambassador a gold chain and 2,000 
ducats;’° and to each of us, Secretaries of the Embassy, 
the Pope gave a chain and also his portrait. On this 
we went to take our leave of his Holiness, and to 
crave his benediétion, asking permission to depart into 
Spain. The Pope granted us this most graciously, 
and appointed further a Canon of Barcelona, called 
Francisco Guasque, who should accompany us thither, 
the Canon being given charge of the funds of money 
necessary for our journey expenses as far as Spain. 
Now when we were just ready to leave Rome, and 
looked to see Sir Anthony to go with us, he did not 
appear, nor indeed could we come by news of any of 
the other Englishmen, for all of them had taken their 
departure, whither none knew." Thus we left Rome 
without the Englishmen, and next, when we had gone 
forth we perceived that three of our fellow Persians 
too were wanting.” We therefore went back to 
find them, and discovered that already God had begun 

286 


CONVERSIONS 


the work of His divine Grace. For these three Persians 
who had now left us we found in the palace of his 
Holiness in Rome, and they were Studying to become 
Christian converts. The ambassador was thereby 
much perturbed, and seeking audience of the Pope, 
his Holiness answered him that the Divine Law was 
indeed one of kindness, that none by force was brought 
to believe, that all were free to aét as they would, and 
that what he, the Pope, was doing was done in accord- 
ance with God's will. On this the ambassador spoke 
to the three men apart, and finding them steadfast and 
firm of purpose to become Christians, left them. He 
with the rest of us then departed from Rome. 

Fifteen days after this date we reached Genoa, where 
we spent a week, the Doge and Signory giving us 
entertainment at the public cost with all consideration; 
further, many of the nobles of Genoa, who are most 
hospitable, treated us after a magnificent fashion. 
For leaving Genoa we chartered two galleys, and 
embarking aboard, in two days’ time came to the town 
of Savona, and there landing, we proceeded to travel 
through France on horseback. We first went to 
Avignon, where the Vice-Legate of the Pope resides, 
who received us and entertained us during the two days 
that we rested here. Then changing our horses and 
sumpter-beasts, we went round by Nimes, coming to 
Montpellier. ‘Thence we went on to Narbonne, and 
passing through Salses, reached Perpignan, where 
the Governor and Captain-general treated us as only a © 
great prince could have done. From Perpignan we 
set out with an escort of thirty soldiers, on account of 
the highwaymen hereabout, and were brought in 
safety to Barcelona after traversing the difficult and 
dangerous defiles of the Pyrenees. Half a league 
outside Barcelona the Duke of Feria, the Viceroy, sent 
out horses and coaches to meet us and bring us in, 
and many of the Catalan nobles also came forth to 

287 


DON JUAN (OF PERSO 


welcome us. ‘Thus we entered that spacious city, of 
which the splendid buildings and the broad clean 
Streets were a delight to our eyes. The Duke with 
all goodwill and kindness entertained us here during 
ten days at his private charge, showing us every 
attention. 

“They then gave us horses and sumpter-beasts, and 
we came on to Zaragoza, where the Duke of Albur- 
querque, who is Viceroy here, learning of our approach 
sent six coaches half a league out of the city, with a 
number of horses, to bring usin. Many of the nobles 
of Aragon also, who were in residence, came to the city 
gate to meet us, and we entered surrounded by an 
infinity of folk, and so reached the lodging appointed 
for us. In Zaragoza we remained three days, being 
entertained as guests by the Viceroy as it became a 
great prince; and he caused us to be shown all the 
curious sights of that city, which are many, more 
particularly the cathedral with the Chapel of Our Lady 
of the Pillar. This, with the Sanctuary of Montserrat, 
which we had visited on leaving Barcelona, proved a 
great and holy joy to us, although at that time we were 
still infidels. On quitting Zaragoza they provided 
us with the necessary horses, and we set out for Valla- 
dolid, the capital, and came to a place called Olivares, 
where we stayed, sending on our interpreter to Valla- 
dolid, informing his Majesty our Lord the King of our 
arrival; and by slow stages we then came on to Tudela 
on the river Duero. Here we halted, awaiting instruc- 
tions from the Court, and these came, ordering that we 
should delay for a week and remain in Tudela. 


288 


CHAPTER VII 


How we entered Valladolid, and how we kissed the hand of his Majesty, 
and how a nephew of the ambassador came to be baptized a 
Christian. 


As soon as we had arrived at Tudela, I took the company 
of that Canon who had come with us from Rome, and 
by injunction of the ambassador, we set out together 
for the Court to have speech with the Duke of Lerma,' 
the first minister of his Majesty, and with the Marquis 
of Velada, who holds the office of Grand Chamberlain. 
On entering Valladolid, the novelty of my Persian dress 
caused such astonishment, that quite a multitude 
followed after me through the streets. I arrived 
finally at the Royal Palace, where several gentlemen 
who were in attendance received me courteously, and 
very kindly accompanied me to the presence of the | 
Marquis of Velada, to whom I ventured to introduce 
myself, stating the reason of my coming before him, 
which was, as from the Persian ambassador, to detail 
what was most needful on this occasion to be 
set forth, as regarded the coming of our embassy 
from Persia. His Excellency from the first gave me 
command to be seated, and listened with all courtesy, 
and in reply told me that his Majesty had received 
the news of the arrival of the ambassador with 
much pleasure, and that the house in Valladolid 
where he was to be lodged was being forthwith 
furnished and prepared. He added that my Master 
should remain on for yet two or three more days 
in Tudela, and that then instructions would be sent 
for him to make his official entry into Valladolid. 
With this reply, and bearing an account of the favour- 
289 U 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


able reception granted me by his Excellency, 1 Straight- 
way returned to Tudela with the Canon. 

And now I described to the ambassador the magni- 
ficent appearance of the Spanish Court, and the throng 
of nobles gathered together there, all of which greatly 
pleased my Master, and in patience we awaited the call 
for us to proceed thither. Then a week after I had 
returned to Tudela we set out, for his Majesty had 
issued his orders to Don Luis Enrique, who is one of 
his four chamberlains, to proceed out of Valladolid 
half a league on the Tudela road to meet us. This 
Don Luis did, attended by many gentlemen of his 
household and family, which is one of the noblest in 
Spain, and they brought out five coaches, in which we 
in his company were carried into the city on that day. 
Here many nobles and courtiers welcomed us, and they 
led us to a fine house that had been prepared for us, 
well furnished and provided with rich bedding and 
tapestry hangings, in cloth and velvet of divers colours. 

e now were waited upon by his Majesty’s servants, 
and soldiers of the Spanish and German Guard were 
posted at our door. Then our ambassador received 
visits from all the other foreign ambassadors who were 
at that time accredited to the Court of Spain, and the 
house was all day long thronged by guests, more par- 
ticularly at the hours of dinner and supper. After 
we had been four days come to Valladolid, the Duke 
of Lerma having during this time made his public 
official visit to our ambassador, his Majesty gave 
command that we should attend at the palace. ‘hither 
therefore they brought us, sending well-caparisoned 
horses for us to ride, and we were accompanied on 
the road by all the gentlemen of the court in attend- 
ance, to where we found the Royal Guard stationed, 
drawn up on either hand before the palace gate. 
Here we dismounted, and next proceeding up the 
stairs, at the outer door of the ante-room the gentlemen 

290 





REN Gee Pe Cis? eT Fi 


immediately in waiting on his Majesty courteously 
received us. 

They now conducted us on to the presence chamber 
where the King was Standing. The ambassador came 
forward bearing the Letter, and this, after the Persian 
fashion, was written in letters of gold and coloured 
ink on a sheet of paper more than a yard in length 
and curiously folded, for the length in Persian Style 
was doubled up, as for example is done in Spain with 
a folio sheet, and the paper was three finger-lengths 
in breadth. ‘The ambassador had brought the Letter 
enclosed in a bag of cloth of gold, and he carried this 
in his turban close upon his head, from whence he had 
now taken it, and first kissing it, then presented it to 
the King. His Majesty raising his bonnet, received 
the Letter, and through the interpreter informed him- 
self of what the king of Persia had written, and now 
learnt what was the object of our embassy. This 
becoming known to him, he replied that he greatly 
esteemed the friendship which the king of Persia was 
offering him, that most gladly would he do all that the 
Shah had written desiring to be done, and that he would 
later send a reply to this Letter. Meanwhile we were 
to divert ourselves and take our ease. After all this 
had been said and done, on either side, the ambassador 
begged permission to take leave of his Majesty, and 
we thereupon withdrew and returned to our lodgings 
accompanied by the escort, as we had come. We 
remained for the following two months nobly com- 
plimented at Court, being taken out in his Majesty’s 
coaches, or on horseback, going to see the most notable 
sights of the city, and further were entertained by 
dancing at balls, and more particularly we saw bull- 
fights and tilting in the ring. Now all these public 
festivals seemed to us to be better done in Spain than 
in any of the kingdoms and countries that we had 
previously visited, for the Spaniards, even in matter 

291 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


of sport, possess a grandeur and composure which is 
lacking to all other nations. 

In the midst of these festivities a matter was happen- 
ing which was to cause much disquietude to our 
ambassador. Among his Secretaries of Embassy who 
had accompanied him from Persia, being of his suite, 
was his nephew, whose name was “Ali Quli Beg, and 
he, because the subject pleased and interested him, 
was now wont to attend the rites and services of the 
Christian Church. He had further come to appreciate 
the Spanish mode of life, and for convenience was 
accustomed now to wear the Spanish dress. ‘This 
at first apparently was done as matter of mere curiosity 
and amusement, but in truth 1t was soon patent that, 
as we may opine and believe, the hour had struck in 
which God Almighty—who in past times had opened 
a path, with His right hand, through the waters of the 
Red Sea, whereby dry-shod the Children of Israel had 
gone over, and with His other hand had closed again 
the waters to cover and drown the satraps and all the 
Princes of Egypt—was now intent that in Spain He 
should be proclaimed again as God Almighty. For 
from the remotest parts of Asia He would bring, to 
the opposite limit of Europe, men with hard rebellious 
hearts, these to become softened anon, and like wax 
to melt in the enjoyment of the warm glow of Evan- 
gelical doctrine. Blessed, therefore, be His loving- 
kindness, and happy eternally this Persian gentleman 
to have accepted and profited by the mercies which 
God had vouchsafed to him in causing him to become 
a Christian. I therefore return to my narrative and 
say that ‘Ali Quli Beg, having now resolved to become 
a Christian and be baptized, forthwith acquainted us 
with his intention, and next retiring from among us, 
put himself in the hands of certain Fathers of the Society 
of Jesus, that they might instruct him in the Faith and 
proceed to become a catechumen. 

292 


ET POO E BEG 


It appears to me also a matter of conscience that 1 
should declare my belief, here in this place, that the 
true faith has been revealed by God, for His greater 
glory, solely and wholly to the Church [Apostolic 
of Rome], this indeed for the greater good and advantage 
of all true Christians, who thereby may through her 
teaching learn to walk in the way of truth and 
orthodoxy. 

The ambassador and the rest of us Persians, being 
misbelievers, were forsooth much troubled by all this, 
but we were at this season occupied diverting ourselves 
with sights and festivals [and could do nothing to 
prevent what was going forward]. ‘Then at the end 
of these two months of our pleasant sojourn in Valla- 
dolid his Majesty ordered a gold chain to be presented 
to our ambassador, of the weight of 500 crowns, and to 
each of us three Secretaries of Embassy who still re- 
mained with him a chain of the value of 3,000 reals? 
Other chains of lesser value were given to our 
Persian servants. A letter for the king of Persia 
also was delivered to us, and a sum of 10,000 ducats 
[in respect of the sea voyage] was added, with 
1,000 ducats besides for defraying our journey into 
Portugal. Further a grant in aid was allowed to the 
Canon who still accompanied us, and an order on 
Lisbon was sent for our embarkation at his Majesty’s 
charge, with freight for our baggage, and free main- 
tenance on board, so that no cost would be at our 
expense until we should be landed in the port of Ormuz, 
reaching Persian territory again. This was indeed 
munificence worthy of the august bounty of his Catholic 
Majesty Philip III, who is the glory of Spain and of the 
House of Austria, the true support of the Faith, and 
the protector of Christianity throughout all Western 
lands. When all these matters had been adjusted, 
we went to take leave of his Majesty, expressing our 
gratitude for all the benefits that he had showered on us. 


293 


DON. JUAN (OF (Pi Rois 


We had with us for our journey across Spain an 
interpreter whom the king had appointed to attend us, 
he being one of his Majesty’s body-servants, and a 
person cognizant of many languages, whose name was 
Diego de Urrea. Forthwith we set out for Segovia, 
at which place the civil-governor, with some gentlemen 
from the town, came out to receive us, paying us much 
honour. In accordance with an intention that I had 
set to myself ever since I started from Persia on my 
travels—namely, to see everything I could, and to set 
down in writing all I saw on the journey, in order later 
to publish the same in Persia—I now earnestly begged ' 
the civil-governor that we might be shown the four 
sights for which Segovia is so famous. 

The first of these is the Hermitage, with a beautiful 
statue of Our Lady, known as the Fuenzisla,? and this 
stands protected under a rock on a neighbouring height 
which faces south. ‘The Face of this image is of a 
divine beauty, such as I never saw the like of elsewhere, — 
and before it burn several great silver lamps, of a size 
so great that none would believe the same to have been 
of silver who had not actually seen them. I enquired 
who were the sovereign princes who had given these, 
and I was told that they were the gift offered to Our 
Lady by the men of this commune of the province, who 
worked to make the woollen cloth, the manufacture 
of which is so famous. ‘The second notable sight to 
be seen in this city is the Alcázar,* the palace which 
the kings of Spain have here; indeed it is one of the 
finest and most famous buildings of any that we had 
yet. visited. It is built on a rock which has been 
scarped artificially on either hand to form the wall of 
the very deep ditch, in which the streams of the Eresma 
[and Clamores] running below make the fortress-palace 
the more impregnable. The third notable sight of 
this town is the [Roman] Aqueduét” built of stone 
blocks, all chiselled and worked square, and set without 


294 


SEGOVIA 


mortar. Along the top runs the channel which brings 
in the water used throughout Segovia, and the length 
of this Aqueduét is such that it has more than two 
hundred arches to carry the conduit. Within the city 
in some parts it runs as high as may be counted at two 
full casts of a pike. ‘The fourth wonder to be seen is 
the Mint,° where many million coins are struck in gold, 
silver and copper. This work is not done by hand, but 
by a machine which is worked by a mill on the river 
[Eresma] which flows below the Alcazar. While 
at Segovia we went out from the town two leagues 
[to the south-east] to see a winter-palace belonging to 
the Spanish kings, which is named Balsaim, and so 
called [to wit, Balsam], though it is no palace in a 
garden, but only a building standing down in the deep 
valley [of an affluent of the Eresma] enclosed by great 
mountains, that are covered by pine forests: yet so 
situated in that wilderness it is indeed a perfect Earthly 
Paradise. 

Leaving Segovia we went on to the Escoreal, the 
most wonderful work of man the world holds, and only 
to look on it one should come from the most distant 
parts. This is a palace built for himself to live in by 
the late king, Philip II, who rests now in Glory. 
It Stands in the folds of the mountain range which is 
known as the Guadarrama, on the bank of a stream 
coming down from the same. The site is thus pro- 
tected from the north and faces south; the building 
forming a huge quadrangle, and displaying a great 
variety of styles, Doric, Ionic and Corinthian, all 
wrought in dressed stone based on hewn foundations. 
There are so many courts, towers, columns, separate 
palaces, galleries and halls, and within these so many 
rich ornaments and so many fine pictures, that with 
reason the Escoreal is known as the Eighth Wonder 
of the World. I myself opine assuredly that no one 
of the other Seven of ancient days could have come near 


295 


DON JUAN ‘OF “PERSIA 


to it as a marvel. They relate that King Philip built 
1t in accordance with a vow he made when he was 
encamped at the town of St Quintin in France, where 
there was a church dedicated to Saint Lawrence which 
by reason of the war it was necessary to demolish, and 
hence it is likewise to Saint Lawrence that the church 
at the Escoreal is dedicated. Its altar-piétures are the 
most wonderful work of painting in all the world. It 
is a monastery of the Jeronimite Friars, and these have 
here their colleges and schools. ‘The Escoreal further 
is the burying place of the kings of Spain, their bones 
having been collected and brought hither from where- 
soever they were to be found in the divers provinces. 
We went on from here to a winter-palace of the 
Emperor Charles V of glorious memory, which stands 
five leagues distant from the Escoreal and two leagues 
from Madrid. This too is a fine building, very 
curious to visit. It is surrounded by many plantations, 
full of all kinds of game, both great and small; indeed 
the game is so abundant here that the deer and wild 
boars are seen in droves together on every hand. Next 
we visited the palace known as the Casa del Campo 
of Madrid, where the fountains, gardens and tanks 
would need a special volume for their description, and 
then we entered Madrid, which is one of the greatest 
and most beautiful cities in all Spain. But its gran- 
deur and many curious sights are so well known that 
it were better to be silent and not attempt to describe 
what others have already sufficiently portrayed. Leav- 
ing Madrid we journeyed on to Aranjuez, which is the 
summer-palace of the kings of Spain, built likewise 
by his late Majesty King Philip II on the banks of the 
mighty river Tagus. ‘The gardens of Aranjuez with 
their adjacent shrubberies, tanks, lakes, pleasure 
grounds, with thickets for game, great and small, are 
so extensive and of so many different kinds, with such 
fine trees and fruit orchards, also divers beasts and birds 
296 


ARANJUEZ 


brought from remotest India, that it were impossible 
to describe them all even in many volumes, and thus 
when we state that Aranjuez has been given the name 
of the Ninth Wonder of the World we have said all 
that here is needful. We visited also, as our journey 
lay through it, the Imperial city of Toledo, the capital 
of the Gothic Kings. ‘There is here the Alcázar, and 
we saw too the Machine’ by which water is brought up 
from the depth of the gorge of the Tagus to, the level 
of the city which lies high above its bed; also we were 
brought to the Cathedral, which is the metropolitan 
church of Spain, whereby the city of “Toledo is known 
as the Spanish Rome. 

From this city we made our way travelling through 
the province of Estremadura to the town of Truxillo, 
where so many noble families have their origin, and 
next came to the city of Mérida, which in ancient days | 
was a second Rome, as to-day may be seen from the 
great extent of its ruins. [he ambassador wished to 
rest for a day in Mérida, and here an immense number 
of people had collected in a vast crowd to gaze at us. 

Now there was in our company, as ever had been since 
leaving home, our Alfaqui, he being, as one might 
say, the ambassador’s travelling Chaplain, and the 
[Arabic] name by which he was known was Amyr, for 
though he was a Persian by birth, in point of fact he 
was a lineal descendant of the family of the prophet 
Mahomed. Now he on this occasion was standing 
at the door of our lodgings and there came to be much 
pushing in the doorway, when suddenly some man of 
an insolent temper in the crowd, and lacking bowels 
of compassion, for there was no apparent provocation, 
Struck out at the Alfaqui Amyr with a dagger, and 
killed him on the spot. As it was almost night-time 
when this happened it proved impossible to ascertain 
who had done the deed, although the magistrate used 


every means in his power, putting in prison an immense 


297 


DON JUAN? OF © PERSA 


number of persons to satisfy the loud demand of the 
ambassador, who seemed at first of opinion that he 
himself must return immediately to Valladolid to lay 
his complaint before the King. We learnt, however, 
on enquiry that his Majesty was at this moment no 
longer resident in the capital, being away on a hunting 
excursion, and it was therefore agreed that we should 
proceed on straight to Lisbon, and while preparations 
there went forward for our embarkation, that I should 
travel back to Valladolid and give an account to his 
Majesty of how our poor Alfaqui had for no just cause 
been killed, and make demand that theassailant should be 
punished. We therefore proceeded to bury our Alfaqui 
Amyr according to Persian rites, with the ceremonies 
usual in our creed, in some ground outside Mérida, 
and all the city came out to see the sight, which caused 
them much entertainment. From Mérida then we 
went on to Badajoz, which is a city standing on the 
frontier between Spain and Portugal, and the civil- 
governor here, who is a gentleman of noble birth, and 
named Don Juan de Avalos, lodged us in his own 
house, giving us all we required, and paying every 
attention to our comfort. From Badajoz we finally 
set out for Lisbon, the great city celebrated throughout 
Spain for its noble situation, the name recalling that of 
him who was its founder, Ulysses [for the ancients — 
had named Lisbon Olisippo]. It is the capital and the 
largest town in Portugal, and has a population of more 
than 80,000 householders [or 360,000 souls]. Further, 
here is the great harbour, at the mouth of the Tagus, 
where the river comes out to the Ocean, which same 
is the chief port whence all ships start that sail for 
India the Greater, and the New World. 

Now as soon as we, after leaving Badajoz, had come 
to Aldea Gallega? we sent across to let the Viceroy of 
Portugal, Don Cristóbal de Mora, know that we were 
there, and he forthwith despatched to us four galleys 

298 


LISBON 


with many gentlemen in attendance, who now brought 
us into Lisbon. Here they gave us a grand reception, 
making festival, and hospitably lodged us in a magni- 
ficent palace. After we had taken our repose during 
some days, being sumptuously entertained by the 
Viceroy, and further by many of the Portuguese 
noblemen and private persons of Lisbon, for certainly 
they are the most hospitable of hosts, our ambassador 
ordered me to return with the Canon to Valladolid, to 
give his Majesty a true account of the death of our 
Alfaquí. I forthwith proceeded to carry out his com- 
mand, and herein is made evident the truth of that which 
King David the man of God hath spoken—namely, that 
the hand of God doth guide the hearts of men in 
accordance with His divine will. For as soon as I 
had got to Valladolid I went to see ‘Ali Quli Beg at the 
Jesuit House, and no sooner had I begun to talk with 
him, and to hold converse with the Fathers of the 
Society of Jesus—religious men as discrete as they are 
learned—when it became manifest how God Almighty 
willed that a miracle should be worked in me. For 
I began immediately to feel an inordinate longing in 
my heart to seek and find His Divine Grace—blessed 
a thousand times be His holy name—and while I was 
yet a prey to this confusion of mind, and unable to 
declare clearly my desire, the Divine Will loosed my 
slow tongue—even as with Moses of old—and just 
as I was returned to my lodging house I urgently 
called upon the Fathers to grant me baptism, though no 
master had yet given me any sufficient instruction in 
religion. 

In the Persian script and language, even as before 
had been the case with my Diary, I now constrained 
my hand to write down the prayers, the articles of 
belief, the Commandments, and other Christian 
ordinances that were necessary for instructing one like 
me, an infidel, who was about to become a catechumen. 


299 


DON JUAN GOR: PERS 


That due praise may be paid to the Divine Grace, I 
have here given this very particular account of my 
experiences and conversion, for it is His marvellous | 
providence which thus works in those whom He calls 
to His Church, and to union with the faithful. I 
next came to be instructed very fully in all the necessary 
Catholic doétrines, for Don Alvaro de Caravajal, who 
was chief chaplain and almoner-in-chief to his Royal 
Majesty, undertook to confer with me many times, 
explaining all difficulties to me, and encouraging me 
with the whole heart of a true Christian gentleman, 
thus favouring my conversion. ‘Then later I ventured 
to solicit an audience of the Duke of Lerma, chief 
minister of his Majesty, on whose shoulders rests the 
whole weight of government of these kingdoms, and 
his Excellency was pleased to receive me very favourably. 
He was rejoiced, he said, to hear of my good inten- 
tions, and this encouraging me 1 was bold to lay before 
his Excellency my plan, which was that after having 
received baptism I should return to Persia and bring 
out thence, back to Spain, my wife and a son of mine 
there now living. To all this the Duke replied that 
after having been baptized, if J remained on living in 
Spain, his Majesty would doubtless give me his favour, 
and advance me to a place of honour. Further, he 
would indeed grieve with me, his Excellency said, in 
the loss of wife and child [should I stay in Spain, not 
returning to Persia], but that for the sake of God’s 
commands trials far greater than this had to be under- 
gone and supported with patience. Indeed, he con- 
tinued, the love of a son, or of father, of mother, of 
wife even, was not to be held comparable with the love 
which God would of a certainty ultimately bestow on 
me—as His faithful servant. 

His Excellency added many other efficacious reason- 
ings, and I was thus completely comforted and re- 
assured, for verily God has vouchsafed to the Duke 

300 


ISE Rk STON OF; DON JUAN 


of Lerma a most piercing intelligence with a ver 

charitable heart. Our Persian ambassador indeed had 
been of a mind to appreciate this, after he had taken his 
final audience with his Excellency, for whom he after- 
wards professed the highest esteem. But to conclude: 
by this time God graciously had taken possession to 
Himself of my whole heart—though not indeed by 
any merit of mine—and I was resolved to receive 
baptism without delay, and then to go back to Persia 
in search of my wife and my son. I had of a surety 
no intention of letting it be known there in Persia 
that I had become a Christian, intending later to seek 
some convenient pretext and opportunity for returning 
to Spain by way of Ormuz, which the Portuguese now 
hold in the name of his Catholic Majesty. With 
this prospect therefore in view, arrangements now 
went forward promptly for my immediate baptism. 


301 


CHAPTER VIII 


As to how we were both baptized, the nephew of the ambassador and 
myself ; and how I returned to Lisbon and of what happened to me 
with the ambassador; and how yet another Persian gentleman 
determined to become a Christian, whose name was Buniyad Beg. 


On my return from this audience with the Duke of 
Lerma all the necessary arrangements for my baptism 
and that of the ambassador’s nephew were forthwith 
carried through under the special direction of Don 
Alvaro de Caravajal, chief chaplain and almoner-in- 
chief to his Majesty (as already said), we Persians both 
having been now thoroughly instructed in all the 
doétrines of the Christian Faith. They brought us 
each a suit of white satin to wear, and riding in a coach 
Don Alvaro de Caravajal, the chief almoner, took us 
to the Palace, and we were conducted up to where their 
Majesties, habited likewise in white, were awaiting us. 
Then with a great company in attendance all went down 
to the Royal Chapel, and here Don Alvaro de Caravajal 
baptized us, the King and Queen’ respectively acting 
as our sponsors. ‘Ali Quli Beg, the ambassador’s 
nephew, now received the name of Don Philip of Persia, 
while I, who formerly was known as Uruch Beg, became 
Don Juan of Persia, and thereupon their Majesties 
severally embraced us, honouring us greatly. Then 
the King handed me a letter for our ambassador and 
ordered his interpreter to travel with me, adding an 
aid for the expenses of the journey, and so forthwith 
I returned to Lisbon, but wearing once more my Persian 
clothes as aforetime. 

It was my intention, as I have already said, to go 
back home to Persia, where I should conceal the fact 
that I had become a Christian, in order that I might 
bring away with me my wife and son. ‘This matter of 

302 


BAPTISM OF DON JUAN 


concealment, however, was to be on the understanding 
that, when come to Persia, no occasion arose in which 
I ought publicly to testify my faith in Christ Jesus and 
die for my belief, for I had been clearly instru€ted and 
taught the obligation that was laid upon me so to testify 
from the moment of my baptism, when I became a 
Christian. All this being made clear to me, I therefore 
set out for Lisbon, arriving back there without any event 
worthy of note. I had in my company, by order of 
his Excellency the Duke of Lerma, a gentleman (already 
mentioned) of his Majesty’s servants, named Francisco 
de San Juan, who was the Turkish interpreter, and I 
soon discovered that, being now a Christian, the con- 
versation of my Persian fellow countryman, with whom 
I had heretofore been on terms of inseparable com- 
radeship, was now no longer in any sense to my taste 
—and blessed be Thy name, my God, for ‘Thou hadst 
changed my heart. The ambassador appeared to be 
much pleased at my return, and forthwith proceeded 
to hasten the arrangements for our embarkation. 

I then went to present myself, and kiss the hand of 
the Viceroy, giving him an account of how 1 had been 
baptized, at which news he rejoiced greatly. Going 
on to tell him how it was my intention to return to 
Persia in order to bring away my wife and son, he 
began to urge on me the danger, advising that I should 
for the present remain quietly in Spain. M 
ambassador, he said, knew perfectly well that I had 
become a convert to Christianity, and that I had been 
baptized at Valladolid, as also his nephew. His 
Excellency added that if I went back home it were at 
the risk of my life, for either the ambassador would 
have me done to death during the sea voyage, or else, 
not having been able to carry this through, he would 
inform against me on our arrival in Persia, where 1 
should of course be burnt alive. I answered his 


Excellency that I was greatly obliged by the kindness 
30 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


shown and the advice given to me, but that for sure the 
ambassador was still ignorant of the faét that I was 
become a Christian, seeing that he continued to show 
me all friendship, and that I certainly intended to carry 
out the plan I had in mind. ‘The Viceroy responded 
that I had best see to it carefully, while there was yet 
time, and on this I took my leave, returning to our 
lodgings, but somewhat perturbed in mind. It was 
now with Buniyad Beg, the Persian gentleman, my own 
particular friend [who was the third among us secre- 
taries], that I began earnestly to talk over the matter 
in hand. A few days later, when after dinner the 
ambassador had retired to his private room, taking with 
him Hasan ‘Ali Beg [who was the fourth in rank of 
us Persian secretaries], I having my suspicions aroused, 
continued walking up and down in the outer hall, and 
I put my ear to the door to listen to what the ambassador 
might be talking about. I heard him now saying to 
Hasan “Ali Beg that he and the rest must be very careful 
not to let me get to know that he, the ambassador, had 
learnt how 1 had been baptized bythe nameof Don Juan, 
adding that he intended to keep the matter secret until 
we were both back once more in Persia. ‘There, being 
safely come, he would have me seized, delivering me up 
to the Shah, who would order my proper punishment. 

I, of course, did not let it be known that I had over- 
heard all this, but forthwith despatched my interpreter 
to the Viceroy, who arranged that I should quietly be 
provided with another lodging, together with all that 
was necessary for my maintenance and comfort. The 
ambassador naturally now understood what had taken 
place, and sought to put a quarrel on me, matters 
quickly coming to such a pass that each of us laid his 
hand on his sword, and had not the interpreter been 
present, who parted us, some mischance would cer- 
tainly have befallen me, seeing that all the servants of 
the ambassador were leagued against me to do me a 


304 


IE TGALLEY=SLAVE 
mischief. ‘The ambassador indeed had no just 


reason on the face of it at that time to fall out with me, 
for I had not confessed either publicly or privately 
that I was a Christian. But I had said at our first 
meeting that I should like now to return home to 
Persia by land, not taking the sea route by way of 
India, whither he was bound. This, I said, was because 
the long navigation was distasteful to me, and that I 
proposed now going back to Venice, whence I could 
travel home through Turkey, in Turkish disguise, and 
thus in three or four months be back again in Persia. 
“The ambassador publicly talking of my affairs, now 
wrangled so openly with me that all the world came to 
know that I had been baptized, whereupon finally 
I admitted that this was the truth of the case, and 
forthwith, then and there, separated myself from the 
company of the other Persians, going to live in the house 
which the Viceroy had assigned me, where I had the 
company of the Turkish interpreter. 

The ambassador, thus having got me to declare myself 
a Christian, now realized that I was going to escape him 
and remain behind in Spain. Since he could not carry 
me along with him, for say what he might I would not 
consent to go, he resolved, in order to avenge himself 
of what he deemed the insult, to get me killed. To 
that end he now sought to find some rascally Spanish 
soldier to do the deed, but discovering no such one to 
his hand, he came to terms with a certain Turkish slave, 
whom he had recently got set free from the oar, in the 
galleys of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, who at that time 
was at Lisbon in command of the Spanish fleet. This 
Turk was at the moment acting as the body-servant to 
the ambassador, and as his interpreter, for he well knew 
[both Spanish and] Turkish. This galley-slave therefore 
was to kill me, and for the purpose carried a dagger, 
going about seeking a suitable occasion, but of the plot 
I was duly advised in time. I on my part therefore 


393 A 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


betook myself to the Viceroy, who agreed to communi- 
cate with the Marquis of Santa Cruz, who would, he 
said, doubtless see to the matter. The Marquis 
immediately took his information, ordered twenty 
soldiers ashore from the galleys, and choosing a moment 
when the Turk happened to be standing outside the 
ambassador’s lodgings, seized him. They carried him 
back prisoner to the galleys, where the Marquis ordered 
that he should be well beaten, and he was once more © 
chained to the oar. 

After this episode I had no more dealings either with 
our ambassador or with his servants, and the only one 
of the Persians I now spoke to was Buniyad Beg. On 
him I urged that he should save his soul, and seek to 
obtain baptism. He, however, was Still in a State of 
doubt; sometimes he would answer me “yes” and at 
other times “ no,” and being much his junior I despaired 
of myself and betook me to prayer, that God would 
vouchsafe to bring the matter about, being the more 
intent on his conversion, in order that he might become 
my fellow-comrade in religion. We were wont both of 
us to meet in the house of a certain Venetian merchant, 
who spoke the Turkish language perfeétly, and who 
was then living in Lisbon, his name being Nicolas 
Clavel. He was constantly trying to persuade Buniyad 
Beg to do what I implored of him—namely, to be 
baptized—using every argument and inducement that 
he could come by, for, said he, his salvation depended 
upon it. Now it chanced one day when Nicolas 
Clavel was arguing with him in Turkish, for Buniyad 
Beg understood this language quite well, and setting 
forth the mystery of how of old the Holy Ghost had 
descended upon the Apostles, suddenly, no one knew 
from whence nor what it really might be, a White 
Dove flew into our room and settled upon the writing- 
table that stood in between us three, and round which 
we were seated talking. There having rested awhile 

306 


Paka WELITE DOVE 


and being nowise disturbed, it flew away again and 
was seen no more. ‘This was to the no small wonder 
of those of us who were there present, and indeed we 
deemed it to be a very great miracle. No clearer sign 
than this did Buniyad Beg need, for God had already 
changed the hardness of his heart, and he immediately 
made up his mind to seek baptism. I therefore 
brought him to the Viceroy, towhom I related all that had 
happened, which indeed greatly edified and rejoiced him. 

Without letting our ambassador have any notice, 
and with the least delay possible—the Viceroy ordering 
what was necessary for our journey to be given to us— 
we set off in the company of the interpreter, making 
our way Straight to Valladolid. As soon as we had 
arrived at Court, I craved an audience of his Majesty 
and through our interpreter gave the King an account 
of all that had taken place, and I added that I myself 
was now resolved to remain in Spain, and that not having 
my son to bring to his Majesty I had brought my 
friend, who, following my example, wished to become 
a Christian. His Majesty showed every sign of satis- 
faction and arranged that Buniyad Beg should go to 
Don Alvaro de Caravajal, who would prepare him to 
become a catechumen. Soon after this the King left 
Valladolid for the Escoreal, and Don Alvaro de Cara- 
vajal, being there in attendance, next sent his chaplain, 
ordering us to bring Buniyad Beg thither, when on 
examination it was manifest that he was well and per- 
feétly instructed in the doctrines of the Christian 
Faith. Forthwith, therefore, he was robed in white 
satin and taken to the Palace, where in the Royal 
Chapel, and with the King and the Duchess of Lerma 
standing his sponsors, Don Alvaro de Caravajal bap- 
tized him. His Majesty indeed showed him much 
honour, and at his baptism Buniyad Beg took the name 
of Don Diego of Persia. ‘The King, that most Chris- 


tian prince, seeing now that we both were Christians, 


397 


DON -JOUAN OF PER Sige 


but strangers in a foreign land many hundred leagues 
distant from our own country, of his royal and Chris- 
tian generosity gave command that we should each 
receive yearly a pension of 1,200 crowns,” and further 
a sum in ready money with which to set up house: 
granting thereto lodgings at his Court. Many other 
kindnesses also were now shown to us, and daily we 
received favours increasingly, coming as a free gift 
from his royal hand. 

Blessed be the infinite charity of Almighty God for 
His loving-kindness and grace, in all that has been thus 
vouchsafed to us. First in granting to us the Light 
of the True Faith, and bringing us to sojourn in a 
Christian land, where the Sacraments are abundantly 
celebrated, and where, knowing now how to profit by 
the occasion, we find teachers who can show us the true 
way of Christ Jesus. Next and in the second place, we 
give thanks that we Persians now are enrolled under 
the banner of our Sovereign Lord the King of Spain, 
who of his charity daily showers favours and great 
honours upon us. To God, the King of kings, I do 
give thanks for granting me a zealous intention, which 
from the day when my mind was fixed to become a 
Christian, has brought me straight to the way of salva- 
tion. I have now written this Book of mine more 
with the intent of giving praise to God for His mar- 
vellous loving-kindness daily shown to me, than indeed 
for any merely mundane cause. Let me therefore 
confess before the Divine Majesty of God, how 
content I am to be a Christian, and I have at last lost 
all memory of the natural pain I once felt at finding 
myself cut off for ever from my wife, my son, my 
country and all I there possessed. To God let all 
thanks be given, for as Job hath said: To Him 
belong all things, and from Him come all things that 
are in the world. World without end. Amen, and 
to God be the praise given. 

308 


NOTES 


INTRODUCTION 


1 Paget. It has been plausibly suggested that this unusual name 
Uruch is merely a Spanish mispronunciation for Ulugh, very common 
at that date. 

2 Page2. Sherley’s own account of his journey from England 
to Persia will be found in Purchas Pilgrims, Vol. VIII, p. 375 
(Glasgow, 1905). ‘The subsequent travels through Russia, and the 
sea voyage to Stode, are given by William Parry in the same volume, 
P. 442. See also The Sherley Brothers, by one of the same House 
(namely, E. P. Shirley), Roxburgh Club Press, 1848. 

9 Page 3. The Fugger News-Letters, 1568 to 1605, translated from 
the German of V. von Klarwill by P. de Chary, 1924, p. 231. 

* Page 5. As regards Stode it must be noted that E. P. Shirley in 
his interesting book on The Sherley Brothers has made a curious mistake 
which, unfortunately, has been repeated in the Sherley article of the 
Dittionary of National Biography and elsewhere. On p. 27 of The 
Sherley Brothers it is stated that “after a dangerous passage of six weeks 
[from St. Nicholas—otherwise Archangel] they sailed to Stettin, then 
called Stoade.”  Stettin on the Baltic is about 300 miles in a straight 
line north from Prague : Stode, a well-known town at the mouth of 
the Elbe, is about the same distance, but due north-west of Prague. 
E. P. Shirley’s mistake is the more remarkable because on p. 31 of his 
work he quotes a letter, dated 17th October 1600, from Sir Robert 
“Cecil to Mr. Lello, the English envoy at Constantinople, in which 
Cecil acquaints him of the recent arrival from Muscovy of Sir Anthony 
Sherley “‘ with a Persian Embassador joined with him . . . and he 
came by sea to Embden.” ‘Then in the D.N.B., Vol. LIL, p. 122, we 
are told that Sir Anthony Sherley “took ship at St. Archangel for 
Stettin,”” and the name of Stode is omitted altogether. In Botero 
(I, p. 74), who wrote in 1591, and is describing Pomerania, mention 
is made of “* Stetino ” at the mouth of the Oder. C. Schéfer, in his 
Introdudion (p. vii) to the work of Father Du Mans, has fallen into 
the same error (probably relying on E. P. Shirley), for he writes of 
Sir Anthony as going to Archangel, where he embarked “ pour 
Stettin.” Cf. Estat de la Perse en 1660 par le Pére Raphael du Mans, 
edited by C. Schéfer, Paris, 1890; and G. Botero, Delle Relationi 
Universali (in two parts): I, Rome, 1591, and II, Rome, 1602, 
both in 4to. 


Se 


DON JUAN" OF PERKSó0N 


5 Page 6. For the visit of the Persians to the Emperor Rudolf 
we have two other contemporary accounts : one from the despatches 
of the Venetian Ambassador at Prague, Pietro Duodo, for which see 
Schéfer, p. 277; the other from the Fugger News-Letters, p. 230. 

6 Page 7. The entry of the Persian Embassy into Rome is the 
subject of a contemporary Italian pamphlet published in Rome, and 
translated into French under the title of L’entrée solennelle faide a 
Rome aux ambassadeurs du roy de Perse, le cinquiesme avril 1601. 
Paris, 1601. The Fugger Letters (p. 243) also give some curious 
details as to the conversion to the Catholic faith of the Persian 
servants. 

7 Pageg. An account of the treatment awarded to a subsequent 
home-coming ambassador is given in Persian Literature in Modern Times, 
IV, p. 6, by Professor E. G. Browne, derived from a contemporary 
Persian historian. ‘his ambassador was Dengiz Beg Shámlu, who was 
not our Ambassador (as Professor Browne mistakenly supposed), for he 
was in Spain in 1611 when Margaret, Queen-consort of Philip III, 
died, and returned to Persia in 1613. He must have been joint- 
ambassador with Sir Robert Sherley, the two (as the like had been the 
case with Sir Anthony and our present ambassador ten years before) 
having been dispatched by Shah ‘Abbds (about 1608) to the Western 
Powers. ‘This Embassy travelled by Cracow, Prague, Florence and 
Rome, whence going on through Spain Sir Robert finally reached 
England. His Persian colleague, taking leave of him in Spain, went 
back home in company with a Spanish counter-ambassador to Shah 
‘Abbds ; but poor Dengiz Beg was, on arrival in Persia, incontinently 
put to death by the irate Sháh. ‘This was on various counts, one of 
which was the indiscretion of having worn mourning at Madrid at the 
time of Queen Margaret’s funeral. His chief crime in his master’s 
eyes, however, was, as reported against him, his having behaved so 
arbitrarily and cruelly to the other members of his suite that some of 
them, to avoid returning home with him, had adopted the Christian 
faith and remained behind in Europe. It is evident that the Shah was 
determined once and for all to hold heads of missions responsible for 
the perversion of their secretaries, and doubtless he had not been 
pleased with the failure of Secretary Uruch Beg and his colleagues 
to return with the ambassador in 1602. 

é Page 1o. Obras de Salas Barbadillo, Madrid, 1907 (in Colec- 
ción de Escritores Castellanos), by E. Cotarelo y Mori, Vol. 1, Prólogo, 
p. xxxli; the account of the death of Don Juan being taken from a 
contemporary Portuguese work called Fastiginia, written by "Thomé 
Pinheiro da Veiga, which has recently been translated into Spanish by 
N. Alonso Cortés, Valladolid, 1916, for which see p. 33 of the transla- 
tion. A full account of the law-suit, Dow Diego de Persia versus Salas 
Barbadillo, will be found in Volume XXXI of the publications of the 
Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, Madrid, 1894, where the documents 


310 


NOTES 


are cited from the Simancas Archives by Señor Uhagón in his preface 
_to an edition of two of the plays of Salas Barbadillo. 

2 Page 12. Numerous examples occur of these purely oral mistakes 
throughout the work, and the following are typical. Remén (or 
Don Juan) was speaking of Lahijan, the capital of the Gílán province : 
the scribe writes “‘ La Ciudad de la Hichan.” He refers on two 
successive lines to the Caliph Walid : the scribe writes this name first 
as “ Ulit ” and then (as though it were another person) as “* Halid.” 
The barber who killed Prince Hamzah was called Khuda (Verdi) 
Dallák, “ Dallák ” in Persian meaning “a barber” : the scribe wrote 
the name as ** Cudy de Lac.” ‘The name of the town of Vladimir, 
near Moscow, appears as “* Valla de Amor.” Lastly, of William, 
Duke of Bavaria, surnamed “ the Pius,” it is written that he “ se llama 
Du-Capi” : ¿.e., for Duca Pi[o], but this may be merely a typographical 
blunder. 

10 Page 12. See above, note 4. Giovanni Botero Benese (a native 
of Bene in Piedmont), 1540 to 1617, at one time acted as secretary to 
St. Charles Borromeo. His work is very readable and gives an exaét 
account of what was known in the year 1600 of all the countries and 
cities of Europe, Asia and the Americas, North and South. ‘This work 
evidently had an immense vogue. It was reprinted forthwith in 
Italian at Brescia and Venice ; it was translated into English by Robert 
Johnson in 1608, and versions in Latin, Spanish and German quickly 
followed. ‘The first volume gives a description of the Old and the 
New World as matters stood at the beginning of the 17th century. 
The second volume gives the political history of each state. Don 
Juan (or Remon), as will be seen, quotes frequently from Botero, 
and more frequently takes over information without acknowledgment 
from his pages, but with many careless misprints. Further, his 
knowledge of the Italian is often not quite adequate. 

11 Page 12. Remón had a good library at his command in Valla- 
dolid. ‘Thus, after quoting passim from Strabo, Suidas, Procopius, 
Ctesias, Berosus and Megasthenes, he refers to the Byzantine histories 
of Nicephorus Callistus and Nicephorus Bryennius, Agathias and 
Zonaras, with St Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence. Further, he 
consulted Christianus Masseus, Mattheus Palmerius, Georgius 
Agricola, Paulo Giovio, Apianus (that is Bienewitz), Abdias, Josaphat 
Barbaro, Juvencus, Genebrardus, Cuspianus, Laurentius Surius, 
Amandus of Zieriksee, "Pornamira, Georgievitz, Breydenbach, Juan 
de Pineda, Joseph Scaliger, and for the Turkish campaign in Georgia 
Minadoi, Botero and Boissard. Lastly, there are two works more 
than once quoted, but which it has proved difficult to identify with 
any known published books—namely, the Bibliotheca Susiana, and 
the Oriental Annals of Belochus. 

12 Page12z. Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi (1540 to 1615), Guerra 
fra Turchi et Persiani, Venice, 1588. 


311 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


13 Page 16. R. Knolles, Historie, first edition ix folio, London, 
1603 ; the edition later quoted from is the fourth fo/io, London, 1631. 

14 Page 16. Travels of Venetians in Persia: Publications of the 
Hakluyt Society, 1872. 

15 Page 19. See on this point E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, 
IV, p. 20. 

16 Page 19. See above, note 12, for G. T. Minadoi. The Historia 
della guerra fra Turchi er Persiani was published at Venice in 1588, 
and in this same year a Spanish translation by A. de Herrera was 
printed in Madrid, while an English translation by A. Hartwell was 
published in London in 1595. Minadoi, also called Minadous 
(1540 to 1615), was bornat Rovigo. After taking his degree in medicine 
he spent seven years travelling in the Ottoman dominions, and appears 
to have become well acquainted with Turkish. His Hisfory describes 
the wars of the Ottoman Sultans against the Sháhs of Persia down to 
the year 1587, the date of the accession of Sháh *Abbás. On his return 
home Minadoi became physician to the Duke of Mantua, and also held 
the chair of medicine at the University of Padua. 

11 Page19. Vitae et Icones Sultanorum Turcicorum, by J.J. Boissard : 
Frankfort, 1596. Boissard (1528 to 1602) was a Frenchman and a 
native of Franche Comté. His book is embellished by forty-seven 
portraits of Sultans, engraved by T. de Bry. 

18 Page 19. Dates of the Turkish Sultans and contemporary 
Sháhs of Persia are as follows : 

Sultan Bayazid II, 1481. 
Shah Isma‘il I, 1502. 
Sultan Selim I, 1512. 
Sultan Sulaymán I, 1520. 
Shah Tahmdsp I, 1524. 
Sultan Selim II, 1566 
Sultan Murdd III, 1574. 
Shah Isma‘il 11, 1576. 
Sháh Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, 1578. 
Shah “Abbás, 1587 to 1629. 
Sultan Muhammad III, 1595 to 1603. 


BOOK I 


CHAPTER I 


1 Page 34. See 1 Timothy i. 12 and following verses in the 
Vulgate and Douay Version, but much glossed. 

2 Page 37. "The Vidoria (of 85 tons burden) was the one ship 
of Magellan’s fleet which, after the death of the great navigator in the 
island of Cebu, one of the Philippines, sailed home to Lisbon in 1522, 
having made the first complete circumnavigation of the globe. 


PEZ 


] 
{ 
' 
‘ 





NO TES 


CHAPTER II 


* Page 38. Petrus Apianus (Bienewitz) of Ingoldstadt (1495 
to 1551), Cosmographia, 4to, Antwerp, 1574, folio 29 verso. For the 
medizval geography of Persia see Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, or in 
the Gibb Series the Translation of the Nuzhat-al-Qulib, by Hamd- 
Allah Mustawfi. 

2 Page 38. Botero, I, pp. 119, 120, and II, pp. 173, 174. 

3 Page 38. In text Gerban, later lerban, probably for Eriván. 
There is a confusion here between Media Major and Media Atropatene. 

* Page 38. In point of fact Shirdz stands on no river: the Kur, 
(Cyrus river) of Fars, on which Istakhr (Persepolis) lies, is a day’s 
march to the north of Shirdz. 

5 Page 38. Here and elsewhere the word Don Juan uses is 
vecinos, literally “ neighbours,” but in the common usage standing for 
** householders,” and each household may be reckoned as containing 
4'5 souls. It is evident in some cases, however, that the number 
given would be nearer the mark if we took vecizo to mean “‘ inhabitant”’ ; 
but naturally the figures must in no case be taken very seriously. See 
Venetians in Persia, Barbaro, p. 74. ‘This work, besides the account 
given by Barbaro, contains five other narratives—namely, those of 
Contarini, Zeno, Angiolello, Alessandri; and lastly, the account of the 
Anonymous Merchant. 

6 Page 40. Shah Tahmásp (1524 to 1576) was the grandfather of 
Shah “Abbás. 

1 Page 40. In the text given as “ Ciudad de la Hichan”; on a 
later page written correctly as “* Lahychan.” 

8 Page 41. ‘There is some confusion here between the province of 
Shirván (which Don Juan generally gives under the form “‘ Gerban ””) 
and the city of Eriván (which he writes “ terban ” or “Yravan ””), of 
which city its province formerly was called Arrán. Erivdn city was 
founded at the beginning of the 16th century to be the frontier fortress 
of Persia against the Georgians. ‘The earlier Arab Geographers 
divide the country immediately to the south of the Caucasus into four 
provinces: Shirván, lying to the north of the lower Kur (Cyrus) and 
extending north-east to the Caucasus at Derbend; to the west of 
Shirván came Georgia; south of the Kur was Arrán, lying east of the 
Gokchah Lake; and Armenia, to the west of this, lay round the 
Van Lake. 

2 Page 41. Probably the city of Amul. 

10 Page 41. Kkurdsdn at this date included the western provinces 
of modern Afghanistan. 

11 Page 42. Ganjahis the capital of the Qarabágh (Black Garden) 
province, so called from the dark foliage of its forest-clad hills. For 
lack of a few words of explanation the text reads as though the Ganjah 
distriét lay on the southern border of Sistán. 


oot 


DON JUAN? OF "PERSA 


12 Page 42. In the present Persian usage the title Khán never. 
precedes the personal name. But this apparently was not the in- 
variable usage, as shown by the present case, which (in Turkish) stands 
for “ Khán, son of the Sayyid.” Other examples of this usage will 
be found later: thus (on p. 214) we find the king of Gilán named 
Khán Ahmad, and again a certain Khán Muhammad Quli Khalifah 
is spoken of (on p. 213). 

13 Page 44. Text: “el lago Gioco”; this is taken from Botero, II, 
PITA 

14 Page 44. Presumably for Ab-i-Amú. See Botero, II, p. 172, 
from whom much of the foregoing description of Persia has been taken. 


CHAPTER! 


* Page 46. It is from this Turkish clan that the late royal family 
of Persia was descended. 

2 Page 46. Qárá Qoyunlú : these are the clan of the Black-Sheep 
Turkomans, who will be spoken of later. 

3 Page 47. “1Ishik-agási-báshi” ; in Turkish, Chief Aga or Master 
of the (Royal) ‘Threshold. In spite of the bitter and persistent enmity, 
which from the time of Shah Isma‘il onwards separated Turks and 
Persians, the ruling families in Persia always appear to have spoken 
Turkish (whether Ottoman or Azerbayjáni) as well as Persian, while 
on the other hand the Turks of Constantinople always kept up with 
and read Persian literature. Further as regards the officials of the 
royal household in Persia, their offices, then as now, usually and for the 
most part bore Turkish names. See E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, 


DVS) 13 


CHAPTER IV 


1 Page so. “Celemin,” of which twelve go to the bushel. 

2 Page so. “Conejos,” but probably the hare is the animal 
alluded to, for at the present day, too, the Persians de not eat hares, 
deeming their flesh unclean. 

3 Page so. “A la gineta,” and this is the early 17th century 
meaning of the term, which at the present time is implied by the phrase 
“* cabalgar a la jineta”’ (while andar a la jineta ” means to go at a 
short trot). “The “ Gineta ” originally were men of the Berber tribe 
of the Zeneta who had come over from Tangiers to take service with the 
king of Granada, and who, like all Moorish horsemen, rode with a 
very short stirrup. See Dozy and Engelmann, G/ossaire, p. 276, S.v. 
‘“‘Ginete.” ‘The effec is well shown in the (posthumous) equestrian 
portrait of Philip 111 by Velazquez, now in the Prado museum. 

t Page so. Text: Celadas de pasta de azero.”” What the term 
** pasta ” implies is uncertain. 


314 


NOTES 


? Page 53. This may refer to Shaykh Safi-ad-Din (1252-1334) 
from whom the Safavi Dynasty took its name. His tomb at Ardabil 
was a much-venerated shrine. He was the ancestor in the 6th degree 
of Shah Isma‘il the Grand Sophi. 

6 Page 53. ‘Text in error, “ cintas de colgados.” 

7 Page 54. ‘This, it may be noted, is strangely contrary to fad, 
for the ‘Turks strenuously cultivate literature. See above, ch. iii, note 3. 


CHAPTER V 


* Page 58. La Libreria Susiana and Los Anales de Oriente de 
Beloco, both often quoted below, but to what published works 
these names refer it has been impossible to discover. 

2 Page 58. ‘The proper names in this chapter and the four 
following (where the Spanish text is full of misprints) have been 
corrected from the lists given in I. P. Cory’s Ancient Fragments, 
pp. 70-75: London, 1832; and from G. Rawlinson's Seventh 
Oriental Monarchy. ‘This without comment, and without the mis- 
prints being included in the Index. 

* Page 59. Syris, son of Abraham, is not mentioned in Genesis. 

* Page 61. ‘The Iliad makes no mention of Teuthanes, Menon or 
Titon : this account is doubtless derived from either Daries Phrygius 


or Diétys Cretenses. 
CHAPTER VII 


1 Page 67. Juvencus, De historie evangelice libri quatuor : Venice, 
1502. 


CHAPTER VIII 


1 Page 7o. Abdias having been baptized by St Simon and St Jude 
is said to have been ordained by them as the first Bishop of Babylon. 
He is credited with the authorship of the apocryphal Historie Apostolice, 
which was first printed at Cologne in 1576: and to which as a second 
part Joachim Perionus, O.S.B., added his Lives of the Apostles. 

2 Page 70. Probably Artabanus III, king of Parthia, is the person 
here meant. 

3 Page 71. The Ecclesiastica Historic libri xviii of Nicephorus 
Callistus, a Latin translation of which was published at Bale in 1535 
by Beatus Rhenanus. Whereto was added the Historia Tripartita 


consisting of the 4bbreviation of the works of Socrates, Sozomen and 


Theodoret by Cassiodorus. ‘These two books go to form the appendix 
to Eusebius, as translated by Rufinus, and the whole appeared under 
the title of Autores Historie EcclesiaSstice. 

4 Page 71. ‘Text reads in error: ‘‘ Esayas hijo de Adamo.” 

5 Page 72. Otherwise Brichjesus and Elias. 


ES 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


6 Page 72. Laurentius Surius, the martyrologist, who wrote 
De probatis sandtorum historia, Cologne, 1576. 

7 Page72. Agathias (in Historiarum libri quingue: Niebuhr, 
Bonn, 1828, p. 123, Book II, cap. 27) calls him a oxvtoropos, which 
the dictionaries translate by Cortarius, a cobbler, or worker in leather. 

8 Page74. "Text “Seganesna”: Agathias (Niebuhr edition, 
p. 260, ch. iv, 24) gives 2eyavoad with variants. 

® Page 74. ‘Text in error: “ Misdates.” 

10 Page 76. His brother Hormisdas III preceded him from 457, 
reigning a year or more. See G. Rawlinson, Seventh Oriental 
Monarchy, p. 311. | 

1 Page 76. ‘Text: “ Valente y Cavades.” 

12 Page 76. ‘Text: “ Blases o Zamblases.” 


CHAPTER IX 


+ Page 78. Text: “ hermano” in error. 

* Page 79. All this is from Agathias (Niebuhr, p. 272, iv, 29), 
the proper names throughout being very incorreátly given. 

° Page 81. Juan de Pineda, a well-known contemporary writer. 
The work referred to is probably his Monarchia Ecclesiastica, Burgos, 
1588. 


CHAPTER X 


1 Page 83. Masseus, Chronicorum multiplicis historic libri viginti, 
Antwerp, 1540. 

2 Page 83. ‘Text: ‘‘ Dagano Rey de los Arabes.” Who he was is 
uncertain. 

3 Page 84. Which is Dastagird. 

* Page 84. Otherwise Qobád II. 

5 Page 85. Apparently here put for Queen Purándokht, of more 
authentic history. - 

6 Page 85. Should be Yazdagird III. 

7 Page 86. The Arabic name of the Persian slave who killed Omar 
is Abu-Lúlúah, “ He of the Pearl.” In classical Arabic Marján, which 
now is the name commonly given to Coral, meant Pearl (see Dozy and 
Lane). ‘The word is of Aramaic origin, from which source, too, came 
papyapirys, said to be of Persian origin in Liddell and Scott; and 
pearls indeed come from the Persian Gulf, not being found in Ionian 
waters. "The name Margancia, here given, is evidently Marjan. 


CHAPTER XI 


1 Page 88. ‘Ali was killed by the Kharijite fanatic Ibn Muljam. 
The statement that Mu‘dwiyah was responsible is taken from Botero, II, 
171, where his name is written Mavia, which our author misprints 


316 


Mere is 


Manua, and a few lines later more exaétly spells the name Moabia, but 
apparently without recognizing that the two spellings indicate one and 
the same person. 

2 Page 88. More correctly, Damascus in Syria. 

* Page 88. The scattered chapters of the Coran were first 
gathered into a volume by the Caliph Omar, and under Othman a 
revision was ordered to be made for a Standard text. The revisers are 
given as Zayd ibn Thábit, ‘Abd-Allah ibn Zubayr, Sa‘id ibn ‘As and 
“Abd-ar-Rahmán ibn Hárith. The list of six given in the text appears 
to be apocryphal. 

* Page 88. Read Damascus, for Baghdad was only founded later. 

5 Page 89. ‘Text: “Aly Ozen, y otros dizen que Aly Huscein.” 
The history of Husayn and the claims of the Alids will be more fully 
treated of later by our author. 

0 Page 89. Mukhtar, the celebrated partisan of the House of ‘Alf 
who avenged Husayn’s death, never sought to be proclaimed Caliph. 

7 Page go. The names in the text are in great confusion here. 
This name, which recurs several times, is variously misprinted, as 
Amyr Suleyman and Luleimin, and then as Amyrmo Selemin or 
Amurmoselemin: to wit Amir Sulaymán, and (as though added thereto) 
Amir of the Moslems, a title Abu-Muslim never affected. In point 
of fat Abu-Muslim's first name was not Sulaymán, but ‘Abd-ar- 
Rahmán, or some say Ibrahim. 

8 Page g1. Zelma, son of Abu-Muslim, is unknown to Moslem 
history. Marwan II was killed (according fo Tabari) by a man of 
Basrah called Al-Maghúd. 

2 Pageg1. Abu-Muslim was not his ancestor, nor was Mukhtar. 

10 Page gt. ‘Text in error:  Mahamet o Hamet Moahedin hijo 
menor de Ali.”” The mistake is from Botero, II, p. 171. 

1 Page 91. In error: he never claimed to be Caliph. See above, 
note 6. 

2 Page gt. ‘Text, “ Abu Bakr ” in error. 

13 Page g2. In point of fat Baghdad had been founded by his 

great-grandfather the Caliph Mansur. 


CHAPTER XII 


* Pageg3. The text asserts in error that he succeeded “‘ Mahamet,” 
but Muhammad and ‘Abd-Allah, mentioned at the close of the last 
chapter, are respectively the Caliphs Amin and Mámún, who in turn 
succeeded Hárún-ar-Rashid. Our author gets the astonishing name 
Imbrael (perhaps a misreading for Amin-billah) from Zonaras (Bonn 
edition, Vol. III, p. 369), who says that he was Archegos (prince) 
of the Saracens, which might mean Caliph. Zonaras continues that 
during the reign of the Emperor Theophilus (who succeeded his father, 
Michael 11 the Stammerer, in 820 and reigned till 842) this Imbrael’s 


317 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Saracen commanders gained a notable victory over the Greek troops 
of the Emperor. ‘The date 846 is impossible if it be the Caliph Amin, 
for he reigned from 809 to 813, and Mámún, his brother, during the 
next twenty years till 833, while Michael III the Sot, “ Born in 
the Purple’’ (mentioned below), succeeded his father Theophilus 
in 842, being murdered in 867. In point of faét the Caliph in the 
year 846 was Wáthiq, Mámún's grandson, among us better known as 
the Vathek of Beckford’s romance. 

2 Page 93. Ignaro means “ unlearned,” but who this Muhammad 
was is difficult to make out, and he certainly was not a Caliph. Our 
author takes his information from the Byzantine historian Cedrenus 
(Niebuhr : Bonn, 1839, Vol. 11, p. 567) who calls him Muhammad, 
son of Imbrael; so possibly Zeraro is merely a mistake for Imbrae/, 
which, as we have seen, is also the form given to the name of the Caliph 
Amin (see above, note 1). Probably one of the later Buyid princes 


who was governor of the Isfahan distridt is the personage who is here 


referred to as Muhammad. As to Pysasyri, no Abbasid Caliph is 
known under any name that is at all like this. Nicephorus Bryennius 
(Bonn, 1838, p. 30) names Pysasyri as a prince only, and doubtless 
Basasiri is the personage meant, no Caliph, but a Daylamite Captain 
of the Guards, an ardent Shi‘ah who made a conspiracy to dethrone the 
Abbasid Caliph Qáim, and bring in the Fatimite Caliph of Cairo. 
Basasiri was captured and put to death by Tughril Beg the Seljuq. 
For this, his unsuccessful attempt to promote the Shi’ah faith and 
doctrine, Basasiri was held in much honour more than five centuries 
later by Shah Isma‘il. See E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, 1V,p.54. 

8 Page 94. Otherwise Tagrolipix Mucalet, which is nearer the 
original (Zonaras, Vol. III, Bonn, 1897, p. 634); for his father’s 
name was Mikhail. 

* Page 94. Sulaymán 1 (1077-1086), the Seljuq Sultan of Rim, is 
probably the personage indicated. As to his previous name of Alpha- 
galo, and his uncle’s name Belcepho, it is impossible to suggest any 
satisfactory identification. ‘The first of the two names might, of course, 
stand for Alp Arslán, misplaced. Neither of these two personages 


appear to be mentioned by any of the Byzantine historians in the - 


Niebuhr (Bonn) edition. 

5 Pagegs. ‘This probably refers to the rule of the fl-Khdns Hikégt 
and Abaqa in Persia, descendants of Chingiz Khan the Mongol. 

6 Pagegs. Gilbertus Genebrardus, Archbishop of Aix, C4rono- 
“ihe des libri quatuor : Paris, 1567. 

7 Page 95. Johannes Cuspinianus, De Turcarum origine : Antwerp, 
1541. Bartholomeus Georgievits, De origine imperii Turcorum : 
Witeberge, 1560. 

8 Page 95. Commonly written Amurath : in point of faét, Sultan 
Sulayman precedes Murád I. 
9 Page 96. Embassy to the Court of Timour, translated by Sir 


318 


Ce o 


NOTES 


Clements Markham: Hakluyt Society, 1860. The Spaniards left 
Samargand on the 21$t of November 1404, and Timur died at Otrar 
on the Jaxartes, whither Clavijo had not accompanied him, on the 
17th February 1405. It was after this that Clavijo visited Timur’s 
grandson, Omar Mirza, son of Mirán Sháh, whom he found encamped 
on the plain to the west of Tabriz, on the 28th March 1405, as stated 
later. ‘The best edition of the Spanish text is that edited by Isrez- 
nevski, with a Russian translation and a French index, published in the 
Proceedings of the Imperial Academy, St. Petersburg, 1881. 

st Page 96. It was Bayazid II who was surnamed Ilderim, not 

imur. 


CHAPTER XIII 


* Page 97. ‘Text in error: ““ Bayaceto el primero.” 

2 Page97. “Tall” Hasan (1466-1478), of the Clan of the Aq 
Ouyunli (White Sheep), but who later succeeded also to the rule of the 
Qara Quyunli (Black Sheep) Turcomans in N.W. Persia. See Life 
of King Ussun Cassano by Giovanni Maria Angiolello; Venetians 
in Persia, pp. 73-138. 

° Page 97. Afterwards Doge, 1474-1476. 

* Page 97. Rhodes since 1311 was in the occupation of the Knights 
of St John of Jerusalem. 

5 Page 98. ‘Text apparently in error prints “Pedro Immola.” 
The Mocenigo family seem to have had no conneétion with Imola. 

0 Page 98. See Venetians in Persia: Zeno, p. 15, and Angiolello 
py 78. 

7 Page 99. See Venetians in Persia: Barbaro. 

8 Page 99. Angiolello, p. 75, speaks here of 4braiz (Ibráhim), 
another brother, whom Don Juan mentions later on (see p. 103). 

2 Pagegg. B.Breydenbach, De oppugnatis a Turca Constantimopoli, 
etc.: Bale, 1556. 

20 Page gg. ‘This was the battle fought at Terjdn in 1473 (see 
Angiolello, p. 89). 

11 Page 100. Text in error: “antecessores.” In what follows 
some words must have fallen out in printing, for as the text stands it 
makes no sense. 


BOOK II 
CHAPTER I 


1 Page 103. See above, note 8 to previous chapter. 

2 Page 104. Amandus of Zieriksee, Chronica compendiosisima ab 
exordio mundi: Antwerp, 1534. 

3 Page 104. Paolo Giovio, Commentarii delle cose de’ Turchi, di 
Paolo Giovio : Venice, 1541. 

4 Page 106. See above, Bk. I, ch. xi, note 1. 


39 


DON -JU'AN"OTE PRE 


5 Page 107. The text gives in error, “su sobrino ” (nephew), but 
Botero, from whom the information comes, has rightly “ suo nipote .” 

0 Page 107. “Black John,” otherwise known as John IV, of the 
Comneni family. He reigned from 1446 to 1461, when Trebizond 
was taken by the Turks under Sultan Muhammad II. ‘The following 
genealogical table will be found useful for the remainder of this and the 
following chapters. 


Emperor Kalo Joannes 


| | 
Despina = Uzun Hasan  Khadijah= Shaykh  Janayd, a 


descendant through 
the Imáms of the 
Caliph ‘Ali. 
Sultan 
Ya*qúb Martha = Shaykh Haydar 
Rustam Shah 


Isma‘il 


Murdd Alvand 


7 Page 108. Botero, Il, p. 171. 

8 Page 108. Italian text gives “‘ Azembec,” misprinted in the 
Spanish text as “‘ Azembre.” In the Hakluyt Society’s volume of 
Venetian Travellers Uzun Hasan is referred to, variously, as “ Ussun 
Cassano”? by Zeno and by Contavini, but he is “‘ Assambei ” in 
Barbaro and in the narrative of the Anonymous Merchant. 

® Pagetog. For an account of the early years of Shah Isma‘il see 
E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, lV, pp. 47-52. 

10 Page 110. In the text given as “Ysmael Syach Arduelino 
Cuseluas Nazarij.” The words, a mixture of Arabic and Persian, 
taken literally mean: “ Isma‘il, Shaykh of Ardebil, him of the Red 
Bonnet of "Twelve (points).” 

1 Page 110. Called “lazos ” in the text. Shah Isma‘il claimed 
descent from Hamzah, younger brother of the Imám ‘Ali Rizá, the two 
being the sons of Músá Kázim the Seventh Imdm. ‘The full number 
of the Imáms was twelve, the last being Muhammad the Mahdi, who 
had disappeared, but in the fulness of time was to return to reign in 
glory and justice over Persia and the rest of the Moslem world. 


320 


NOTES 


CHAPTER II 


* Page 113. Tekelli was the instigator of the Shi‘ah insurre tion in 
Asia Minor which led to some 40,000 of their seét being massacred at 
the hands of the Turks. The Persians called Tekelli “ Shah Quli,” “the 
King's Servant,” but the Turks knew him as “ Shaytán Quli,” “ the 
Devil’s Servant.” It will be observed that our author makes no reference 
to the terrible massacre which Richard Knolles, Sir Paul Rycaut and 
others all speak of as having taken place in the reign of Bayazid II, 
though some transfer its horrors to the year 1514 after the accession of 
Sultan Selim theGrim (E.G. Browne, Persian Literature, 1V,pp.70-73). 
For contemporary Sultans and Sháhs see the table given above, p. 312. 

2 Page 113. For the convenience of his Spanish readers Don Juan, 
or rather the Licentiate Remón, keeps here, and generally in what 
comes later, to the old names of the provinces of Asia Minor, though, 
of course, in the 15th century all this country had long passed to a 
Turkish nomenclature. Cilicia (with Lycaonia and Phrygia) had 
become Qaramán, Bithynia was Qizil-Ahmadlú, the two Armenias 
(Major and Minor) occupied the ancient provinces of Cappadocia 
and Galatia, and Asia Minor in general was known as Anatolia, with 
Iconium, Qoniah, for capital. 

3 Page 116. “Alá-ad-Dawlah, of the Dhú-l-Qadar family, was ruler 
of Kamakh, lying west of Arzinján on the left bank of the Western 
Euphrates. His little kingdom appears to have extended down into 
Lesser Armenia between the ‘Taurus and Antitaurus ranges of Cilicia. 
By Don Juan he is called Aladulo; Angiolello gives his name as Alidolat ; 
the Anonymous Merchant as Aliduli; and Knolles as Aladeules. 

* Page 117. ‘Yextin error prints su sobrino Sultan Amurath.” 
See above, p. 115, and cf. Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osman- 
ischen Reiches (Pest, 1827), II, 395. 

5 Paget17. Text: Vstaolago,” and frequently mentioned in the 
Venetian Travellers: he was Shah Isma‘il’s brother-in-law, the King 
having given him one of his sisters in marriage ; and was by birth a Turk 
from Anatolia. Zeno (p. 60) refers to him as Stacalu Amarbei, and 
Angiolello (p. 120) as Stugiali Mamet Bei, while the Anonymous 
Merchant has (p. 195) Ustagialu Maumut Bec, and in added error 
(p. 152) prints Custagialu Mahmutbec. 

6 Page 118. ‘The battle-field of Chaldirán lay in the plain some 
distance to the west of Tabriz, and about half-way between that city 
- and Khoy. Ourauthor refers to the place as the ‘‘ Campos Calderanos,” 
and this same name he afterwards gives to the plains at the junction 
of the Cyrus and Araxes rivers in Shirvdn : these two different places, 
therefore, must be distinguished apart. 

7 Page 118. European Turkey was known as Roumelia, Asiatic 
Turkey as Anatolia, and the two comprised all the Ottoman Empire, 
previous to conquests in Egypt and Syria, 

321 Y 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


CHAPTER III 


1 Page 120. ‘Text: “Sasso Varoglo.”  Knolles (p. 520) gives his 
name as Alis Beg. See Hammer-Purgstall, II, p. 421. 

2 Paget21. Ashraf Qánsúh Ghúrí, the penultimate Burji 
Mamlúk Sultan of Egypt, 1500 to 1516. 

3 Page 121. See Angiolello, p. 126. 

4 Page 122. For Janberdi Ghazzálí see Hammer-Purgstall, II, 
p. 495. In the text this name is misprinted “ Lamburdo Gazelle,” 
but Knolles (p. 527) writes : “ lamburd, surnamed Gazelles, he having 
been aservant of the Great Kait Bey.” ‘Thisis ‘“‘ Jamburdus Gazellus ” 
as found in Boissard (p. 148), who is doubtless his authority. ‘There is 
confliét of authority as to the spelling of the name Ghazzáli, which thus 
written would be a nickname meaning “ the Spinner,” but some would 
write Gazéli, as though from a place called Ghazal. 

5 Page 122. Rhodes only fell to the Turkish arms at the end of 
1522 in the reign of Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent after the famous 
siege which had lasted five months. 

6 Page 123. ‘Text, “ Matera” : Angiolello (p. 131) has Maharra. 
The village lies six miles from Cairo. 

7 Page 124. All this was for the conquest of Rhodes and the 
expulsion of the Knights of St. John; but this was only brought off by 
his son Sultan Sulaymán. 

8 Page 124. Chorlú, half-way between Constantinople and Adrian- 
ople, where in his youth Selím had fought against his father, the aged 
Sultan Bayazid II, leading to his capture and death. See above, p. 115. 

2 Page 124. Sultan Selim died in September 1520; Shah 
Isma‘fl in May 1524. 

10 Page 124. For Vlaman see Hammer-PurgStall, III, p. 142, and 
Boissard (p. 307), who devotes a chapter to this Vlamas Begus, and 
writes, ““ qui et Zilamas et Vlammanus ab aliis dicetur,” but what name 
Vlaman or Ulaman stands for in Persian it is hard to say. Boissard — 
(p. 184) states that he had beguiled a sister of Shah Tahmásp to marry 
him, and hence had been obliged to flee the country. Knolles (p. 649). 
speaks of him as “‘ Vlemas, the fugitive Persian prince.” 

1 Page 125. In the text, “por mano del Calyfa della” (i.¢., 
Babylonia), this being a translation from Boissard (p. 185), who writes 
of the “* Calipha religionis Musulmannice summus Pontifex.” ‘There 
was, of course, no Caliph at this date in Baghdad : hence the Grand 
Mufti is the person indicated. If anyone was Caliph at this period 
it was Sultan Sulaymán himself, who had inherited the Caliphate from 
his father Selim the Grim, who is said to have forced the last puppet 
Caliph of the Abbasids to make over his rights to the Turkish Sultan, 
after Cairo (where the puppet Caliphs had resided since the fall of 
Baghdad in 1258) had now become the capital of a Turkish province. 
Boissard and other writers of the 16th century, however, frequently 


322 


e ee 


NOTES 


give the title of Caliph to the Mufti or chief Mulla of a Moslem city. 
Thus Boissard (p. 11) refers to the “ Califfe di Casbin”’ in the time of 
Shah Isma‘il. 

12 Page 125. Aconjectural emendation ; the text has “* Deliment.” 
Boissard (p. 186), who refers these events to the year 1536, writes 
Delimannus. In Turkish Deli is ** mad,” an epithet often added to 
proper names, but the Oriental authorities quoted by Hammer-Purgstall 
do not mention him. “This glorious Persian victory appears to be a 
patriotic invention on the part of our author. ‘The authorities quoted 
in E. G. Browne (Persian Literature, IV, p. 87) indeed refer to a great 
snowstorm which overcame the Turks when invading Azerbayján 
at this time, but no mention is made in Boissard or elsewhere as to any 
great defeat of the Turkish arms. 


CHAPTER IV 


1 Page 128. Minadoi (p. 4) writes: “il castello Cheiseri, da 
Turchi nominato Chars.” 

2 Page 128. ‘Thisisa mistake on the part ofour author. Minadoi 
calls Herát Heri and Shirdz Siras, and Don Juan's Jiras is merely a 
misreading for Heri. Muhammad Khudá-Bandah during Sháh 
Tahmásp's lifetime was transferred from Herdt—where he left his 
young son ‘Abbas Mirzá, afterwards Shah ‘Abbas, as nominal governor 
—going as ordered to take up his post as governor of Shirdz. See 
Browne, Persian Literature, IV, p. 100. 

3 Page 129. It should be remembered that Mirz4 coming after 
the personal name, as in this case, is equivalent to Prince ; but Mirza 
Salmán, with the personal name following, becomes a title for any 
educated person. Mirzá is the shortened form of Amir Zádah, ‘“ Son 
of the Amir.” 

4 Page 129. Here, for our author’s Yzacau we should read, with 
Minadoi (p. 4), Zalchan or Zál Khan. 

5 Page 130. Some words must have dropped out here in printing, 
for as the text stands it makes no sense ; but our author is translating 
from Minadoi (p. 6), who writes: “ Periaconcona, donna d’etd 
maggiore di tutti questi suoi fratelli,”? among whom was “ il fanciullo 
Mustaffa, uno delli otto figli sudetti ”—namely, of Sháh ‘Tahmdsp. 
This Mustafá is the fourth son out of the eleven children of Shah 
Tahmásp, but Don Juan has not yet named him. 

6 Page 130. ‘The name misprinted here in the text is Kamal, 
and later the same personage is called Xamhac; see E. G. Browne, 
Persian Literature, \V, p. 101. 

7 Page 131. Text: “Xamhac” (see previous note). This is the 
Spanish mispronunciation for the Italian Sahamal, which is Persian 
Shamkhál. Minadoi (p. 9), from whom our author is translating, 
writes of him as “‘ Sahamal adunque Georgiano del medesimo giovane 


323 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


zio,” though in fact Shamkhál was only half-uncle, and goes on to 
relate how Zalcan or Zál Khán, his real uncle, tried unsuccessfully to 
save Haydar’s life. 

8 Page 132. ‘Text: “el gran Calyfa.” See above, ch. iii, note 11. 

2 Page 132. The generally received account of the death of 
Isma‘il II is otherwise. According to this account, during the sacred 
month of the Ramazan (from dawn to dark) fast, one night the Shah 
had gone out (after the hours of fasting) with a boon-companion, a 
pastry-cook ; he had got drunk, and at dawn had returned to sleep off 
his potations at the pastry-cook’s house. Here later in the day he 
was found dead, but whether death was from an overdose of opium, or 
by Strangulation, or from poison purposely given, was a question not 
too closely investigated by his relations. See E. G. Browne, Persiaz 
Literature, 1V,p.99. 

*0 Page 132. ‘The accompanying genealogical table will make 
details clear of what follows : 


Isma‘il 1: 1502 


Tahmásp I: 1524 
| 


| | | 
Isma 11: Haydar Princess Pari- Muhammad Khudá- 


1576 Khán-Khánum Bandah : 1578 
| 
| | | | 
Tahmásp Abu Shah ‘Abbas : Hamzah 
Talib 1587-1629 Mirzá 


11 Page 132. ‘Text here and later, * Mirize Salmas,” copied from 
Minadoi, p. 16; but see below, ch. viii, p. 168. 

12 Page 134. Khudá-Bandah in Persian is the equivalent of the 
name ‘Abd-Allah in Arabic, and means “* the Slave or Servant of God.” 
Minadoi (p. 5), in mentioning that Prince Muhammad in his father’s 
lifetime had showed no ambition for government by reason of his 
infirmity of sight, adds: “ per la malatia de gli occhi, onde per sopra 
nome era detto Codabanda,” as though the two Persian words had the 
meaning of “ blind.” 

3 Page 135. E.G. Browne (Persian Literature, lV, p. 101) states 
that it was Khalil Khan Afshar who put the Princess to death. 


CHAP TERT 


* Page 136. In this and the following chapters the proper 
names of places and persons which are taken, but miscopied, from 
Minadoi, are rectified from Hammer-Purgstall, whose work is based 


324 


NOTES 


on Turkish sources. ‘Thus our author’s spellings “Zuyeldei” and 
* Quieldier ” are both from Minadoi’s “ Chielder ” or “ Childir.” 
Again, Don Juan’s “ Vstref Baxa”’ is the Turkish “ Khusrev ” (or 
“* Husref””) for the Persian “ Khusraw” : the Turks commonly pro- 
nouncing the hard KA almost as an H, which letter the Italians and 
Spaniards do not pronounce at all; while the ¢ has been inserted 
apparently for euphony. When Hammer-Purgstall fails us the name 
is given asin Minadoi : e.£., “ Bagli”’ for “‘ Bally ” in the Spanish text. 
At the end of Volume IV of Hammer-Purgstall a useful map of 
Georgia is given, and here made use of. 

2 Page 139. See below; the textin error has “‘ la viuda de Desmit,” 
as though Desmit had been the name of her husband. Minadoi 
(p. 34) spells the name Dedesmit. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 67) has 
Dede Semid ; and he calls the prince, her late husband, by his Persian 
name of Kay Khusraw. Lavarza is his name as given by Don Juan 
on a later page. 

2 Page 139. Albania was then the name of the north-western part 
of Georgia. 

* Page 139. Here, in the text, printed as Arax, but later on 
always given as Eres. (‘The river Araxes, Remón writes of as the Aras.) 
Eres was a great city standing near the left bank of the lower Araxes, 
below the junétion of the Cyrus (Kur), and close to where, below again, 
the river Kanak, a left bank affluent of the Araxes, flowed in. No trace 
of the city of Eres now appears on the map, nor is the Kanak river 
marked. Its ruins must lie in the neighbourhood of the marshes. 
See Minadoi, pp. 52 and 61; Hammer-Purgstall, IV, 70 (who refers 
to itas Aresh). Botero (I, p. 121) mentions Eres as one of the “keys ” 
whereby the ‘Turks hold Shirván ; it was famous for its manufaéture 
of stuffs in white silk, “che i mercadanti chiamano Mamodec” ; for 
which see Hobson Fobson (Yule, 1903, p. 707), where Mamoodec is 
given as a corruption of Mahmudi. No mention of Eres is to be found 
in the works of the Arab Geographers, or in Hamd-Allah Musfawfi. 
Sharaf-ad-Din Yazdi describes in much detail the campaign of ‘Timur 
in Georgia in 1403 and 1413, but noname like Eres occurs in his pages. 

5 Page 139. See above, ch. ii, note 6. 

6 Page 139. Qulzum, the Arabic form of the Greek Clysma (the 
name for the Red Sea), was wrongfully transferred by the Persians to the 
Caspian. ‘The error arose from a confusion between * Qulzum ” and 
“* Qurzum,” the name for the beaver, whose skins were so largely 
exported from these countries. 

7 Page 140. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 67) speaks of him as 
Gregory. 

8 Page 140. See below. ‘The name Labassap has been omitted 
here in the text : cf. Minadoi, p. 53. 

2 Page 140. The Essekia Lake must be the present Gokchah 
Tengíz. 


34) 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 
10 Page 140. 'Tabulated thus: 


bi Prince Lavarza = Widow Desmit 
or Kay Khusraw | or Dede Semid. 








Alexander or Manuchihr, later the 
Gregory Regenade Mustafá 
Es Labassap or Lavarsab 
| | | 
David Khán, Simon Khán, 
renegade renegade 
¡A Levente or Levan 
| 
| | 
Iskandar “Isá Khan 
Leventoghlú 


IV. Yusuf, son of Gori, lord of the Gori Country. 
V. — Prince Shamkbhál and his son Imám Quli Khán. 
VI. Bashachuk, lord of the city of Bashachuk on Lake Essekia. 


The termination to proper names 0g24/% or ogh/i is "Turkish, and 
means “ son of.” 

11 Page 141. Our author makes the mistake of taking Minadoi’s 
Italian word “ armata ” (an armada of ships) as though it were the 
name of a town, which he prints as Armidia. Minadoi (p. 59) writes 
“* per la via di Colco mandando nel mar maggiore armata alla foce del 
fiume Facis.”” In our text this is given as “ enbiando a Armidia al mar 
mayor por el lado de los Albanos.” ‘This, as noted in the Introdu étion 
(p. 12), looks as though the Licentiate diétated his translation of Minadoi 
to one who wrote it down, misunderstanding the meaning. Further, 
it is evident that Remón had before him the Italian text, and not the 
Spanish translation by Herrera (Madrid, 1588), for he (Herrera, p. 32 
recto) has not been guilty of this absurd mistranslation. But he in his 
turn has a small mistake a few lines above, where for Strabo, Book II, 
as given by Minadoi and correétly reproduced by Remón, Herrera 
has “ libro xi.” 

12 Page 143. See Minadoi (p. 81), who has mistranslated the name 
as ““ Lago dei Schiavi,” whereas the Turkish words ** Pervana Gul” 
mean “ Moth Lake.” 

13 Page 144. Minadoi (p. 85), from whom the account is trans- 
lated, has “hora Mustaffa varcato il scosceso e P'erto dei monti di 


326 


NOTES 


Tiflis,” which our author gives as “ passo Mustafa el rio Escoceso,” 
taking the word “ scosceso ” in the Italian, which means the scarp, or 
foot-hill of a mountain, as though indicating the name ofa stream called 
the Scotch River. ‘The same mistake is repeated later on p. 149. 

14 Page 145. See above, note 4. 

*® Page 146. Text has “ Emangulichan Aguencie.” 


CHAPTER VI 


1 Page 147. Called “* Esmeriles.” 

2 Page 148. Minadoi (p. 101) has “ Hossain Bey figlio del 
Giambulat secondo,” because seven sons were born to him by his 
wives in a single night. 

* Page 149. ‘Text: “las riberas Escocesas del mar negro.” See 
above, ch. v, note 13. 

* Page 150. See E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, TV, p. 102. 
She was a princess of the Mar‘ashi Sayyids of Mazandarán and the 
mother of the four sons of the Sháh—namely, Hamzah, ‘Abbds 
(afterwards Sháh “Abbás) Abu "Tálib and Tahmdsp. 

5 Page 152. Minadoi, p. 116. 

6 Page 154. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 77) gives his name as 
Imám Quli Khán (not to be confounded with the Persian commander- 
in-chief of the same name). í 


CHAPTER VII 


1 Page 160. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 81) describes this raid of the 
year 1580, but does not mention the names of the Turkish commanders. 
These are given from Minadoi, p. 169. What Turkish name Tal-oghli 
stands for is uncertain. 

2 Page 162. 'Theceremonies of the circumcision of Sultan Murdd’s 
eldest son, Muhammad, were celebrated for their magnificence and 
are fully described by Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 118). ‘They took 
place in June and July 1582, but though Ibrahim Khan, the Persian 
Ambassador, is mentioned by name (IV, p. 117) nothing is said of this 
trick played upon him, and which, as will be duly recorded on a later 
page, Shah ‘Abbds, son of Muhammad Khudá-Bandah, took occasion 
to avenge (see below, p. 232). 


CHAPTER VIII 


1 Page 168. Minadoi, pp. 209-216. 

2 Page 169. Farhád Pasha was appointed to his command in 
1583 (Hammer-Purgstall, IV, p. 85), and at this time Prince ‘Abbds 
was only in his twelfth year. 

8 Page 169. Eriván lies in the plain a few miles to the north of 
Mount Ararat. ‘The town was founded in the reign of Shah Isma‘il I 


327 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


by Riván Khán, otherwise Eriván, who gave it his name, and it was then 
the frontier fortress of Persia against Georgia (Hammer-Purggstall, 
IV, p. 86). See also above, Bk. I, ch. ii, note 8. 

* Page 170. ‘Thus Minadoi (p. 221), but Hammer-Purgstall 
(IV, p. 86) calls him Yusuf Pasha. Ona later page (IV, 669), how- 
ever, he speaks of him as Sindn Pasha, and states that Cicala or Cigala, 
his father, had been a Spanish nobleman who, travelling by sea with his 
son, had fallen into the hands of the "Turks and subsequently died in 
prison. His son, a boy of twelve, was afterwards brought up in Con- 
stantinople, where he embraced Islam, when doubtless he received the 
Moslem name Yusuf (or Sinán). He had soon risen to high command 
in the Turkish service, being known by them as Chighala-zádeh 
(Cicala-son) Sindn Pasha. Later Don Juan generally refers to him 
simply as Cicala, using his father’ s family name. 

5 Page 170. 'Textin error: “al Austro” ; but see Minadoi, p. 219, 
and ante, Bk. II, ch. ii, note 6. 

P RARE ES Minadoi, P: 232. 

7 Page 174. Text: fanega”; and see Minadoi, p. 236. 

Pi Pace 176. Texte “ Espaollanes.” 

° Page 177. “Cumano” in Minadoi, p. 251. Hammer-Purgstall 
(IV, p. 94) calls him Muhammad Ghiray, surnamed Semiz “ the fat.” 

20 Page 178. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 95) gives his name as 
Islám Ghiray. 

e , Page 180. Minadoi, p. 300. 

2 Page 180. In the Arúnag distri; see the Translation of the 
Na SEO pe ba. 

13 Page 182. ‘The fall of Tabriz took place at the end of September 
1585 (Hammer-Purgstall, IV, p. 171). 

14 Page 182. Mount Valiyán. 

18 Page 186. ‘The tomb of Ghazán Khán, the Mongol ruler of 
Persia, who died in 1304. Minadoi (p. 321) gives the queer spelling 
““ Sancazan,” which our author, who must have known the place well, 
turns into Castilian pronunciation as * Xam Cassam.” 


CHAPTER IX 


a Pages. "Tetra 

2 Page 189. ‘The head keeper of the wardrobe, “ Qúrchi.” 

* Page 191. For the movable-tower (called Beffroi, or Cat-castle) 
see Sir C. Oman, History of the Art of War (1924), 1, p. 134; II, p. 49. 


CHAPTER X 
1 Page 195. ‘Thesecond name as given in the text is printed “* Valy 
Cantacaly,” and on a later page “ Baly,” or “ Bely Can.” What this 
stands for is uncertain. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 176) and Minadoi 
328 


> 


NOTES 


(p. 336) agree that the second Turkoman chief commonly bore the 
name of Khalifah Khan. As will be seen below (see note 2 to ch. xi) 
Baly or Valy or Galy Stands with our author for ‘Ali and Khali(fah). 

2 Page 196. ‘Text here and later: Baly or Bely Can. 

* Page 199. What this name stands for is uncertain. 

* Page 200. Alamút, formerly the headquarters of the Assassins 
lying to the N.W. of Qazvin. Minadoi (p. 341), writing from 
Turkish sources, states that the young prince was sent to “Ja Rocca 
di Cahaca,” which is Qahqahah, a neighbouring stronghold. 

® Page 200. “ No hay peor ladrón que él de casa.” 

6 Page 202. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 177) spells this name 
““ Esma ” (writing from Turkish authorities), and possibly this may be a 
corruption of the common name “ Ismet.” Esma Khán was also a 
woman’s name, having been borne by the sister of Sultán Murád, who 
married her to Sokolli Pasha the Grand Vizier (Hammer-Purgstall, 
II], p. 392). 

CHAPTER XI 


1 Page204. ‘Text: “ Cudy de Lac, que es como si dixeramos en 
Español Cudi el barbero.” See E. G. Browne, Persian Literature, 
IV, p. 101. Minadoi (p. 364) calls him “un suo custode Eunucho.” 
In Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 177), writing from Turkish sources, 
his name is given as Judi, which Sir John Malcolm (History of Persia, 
II, p. 521, 4to, 1815) has misread as Hoodee. 

2 Page 206. ‘The text prints “ Gali Can,” and later “ Valichan 
Can,” a name which tentatively may be given as ‘Ali Khan. See 
above, ch. x, note I. 


3 Page 207. 


“ No se tiene por buen moro, 
Quien no le daba lanzada.” 


In the text only the first line is cited and with “ tenia ” for “ tiene.” 

4 Page 209. Prince ‘Abbds was somewhat older than this in 1588, 
having been born in January 1571 or perhaps 1572. See E. G. 
Browne, Literary History, 1V, p. 103. 

5 Page211. The abdication took place in 1587, and afterwards 
the old king lived peacefully in retirement till his death in 1596. 
(E. G. Browne, Literary History, IV, p. 102.) 


CHAPTER XII 


1 Page 212. Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 181) says the chief of the 
mission was named Mahdi Quli Khán Chaushli. 

2 Page 213. As to the title Khán preceding the personal name 
in this case, and again (p. 214) in the name of the King of Gil4n (Khan 
Ahmad), see Bk. I, ch. ii, note 12. Of this well-timed treaty (March 
1590), which enabled Shah “Abbás to settle the internal affairs of his 


329 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


kingdom, details are given by Hammer-Purgstall (IV, p. 183). Don 
Juan discreetly omits one clause of the treaty which must have harassed 
Shi‘ah religious susceptibilities. Sháh Isma‘il I, in establishing the 
new form of Shi‘ah faith, had made it obligatory that every Persian 
in Mosque and market-place should publicly curse the first three 
Caliphs of the Sunnis (Abu Bakr, Omar and Othman), who, the 
Shi‘ahs held, had unlawfully after the Prophet’s death kept “Ali 
from becoming Caliph. In deference now to Sunni susceptibilities 
Shah ‘Abbds promised that this cursing of the Orthodox (Sunni) 
Caliphs should cease: and publicly this must have been the case, 
till some twelve years later, in 1602, when the treaty was practically 
abrogated by the retaking of ‘Tabriz from the Ottomans, when doubt- 
less the cursing began afresh. 

° Page 216. It is not very clear who this Prince Isma‘il was. 
Perhaps for “‘ niece ”” we should read “‘ grand-niece,” in which case her 
father was Isma‘il Mirzá Sultán (see above, p. 202), eldest son of the 
late Prince Hamzah. Sir John Malcolm, however (I, pp. 521 and 522), 
makes mention of a brother of Hamzah Mirzá, of the name of Ismail. 

* Page 217. “Beng” is Indian hemp (Cannabis Indica), an 
intoxicant, the use of which pious Moslems regard as unlawful. Bengi 
is the adjective therefrom, implying one under its evil effets. 

5 Page 218. ‘The same Turk tribe from which the late royal house 
of Persia is descended. 

6 Page 224. See Malcolm, History, 1, p. 528. 

7 Page 227. What this river, marking the frontier, is, it is difficult 
to determine. 


BOOK III 
CHAPTER I 


1 Page 232. See above, p. 161. It is noteworthy that Hammer- 
Purgstall makes no mention of the "Turkish ambassador Muhammad 
Aga the Grand Chaush, but he, of course, wrote from Turkish authori- 
ties, who discreetly might well prefer to pass the matter over in silence. 

2 Page 233. Robert, commonly known as Count Sherley (1581- 
1628). He remained in Persia till 1608, fairly well treated by Shah 
‘Abbds, who then despatched him as his ambassador to Europe, once 
more eager to try and stir up the Princes of Christendom against the 
Turk. Count Sherley travelled by Cracow to Prague (1609), and 
thence through Florence to Rome, where the Pope Paul V received him. 
Then going from Genoa by sea to Barcelona he reached Madrid in 
1610, and in August 1611 finally got back to England and was duly 
received in audience by James I. After eighteen months at home 
Sir Robert once more set out for Persia, but this time by the long sea 
route round the Cape of Good Hope, leaving Dover in January 1612. 
Being unable to land in the Persian Gulf, he proceeded to India, and 


33° 


NOTES 


only left Surat in September 1614. He reached Isfahán in June 1615, 
and in Oétober of the same year was again sent back by Sháh ‘Abbds 
as his ambassador to the Christian Powers. On reaching Goa, he 
found that he had missed the annual sailing and was not able to set out 
for Lisbon till the following year. He at last reached Spain in 1617, 
and remained there for the next five years. In 1622 he left Spain and 
via Rome came to England, where he remained from January 1623 to 
March 1627, when for the third and last time he went out to Persia. 
Again he went round the Cape, reaching the Persian Gulfin November, 
and arrived at Isfahán in April 1628, where he saw the Sháh, but was 
none too favourably received. ‘Three months later at Qazvín he died 
very suddenly, at the age of 47, after a life that reads like a romance. 
See The Sherley Brothers. 

9 Page 233. Purchas, Pilerims, VIII, pp. 438 and 443, where the 
name of the Franciscan is given as Alfonso Cordero, and the Dominican 
as Nicolío Di-Meto. 

* Page 234. ‘Text reads “ Uzen Ali Bech ” : which name Antonio 
de Gouvea (Re/ation des guerres de Cha Abbas, 1646, p. 105) writes 
Ussem Alibeg. Pietro Duodo, however (Schéfer, pp. vi and 277), 
spells the name Hassan Halevech; and Purchas (VIII, p. 439) has 
Assan Chan. Hisname none the less was certainly Husayn, not Hasan, 
for Don Juan always spells the first with O or U in the first vowel, 
while Hasan has 4. 

5 Page 235. See above, Bk. II, ch. v, note 6. 

6 Page 235. Pietro Duodo (Schéfer, p. 277) names the port 
of embarkation in Gild4n Ruisar. ‘The following description of the 
Caspian Sea is taken from Botero, I, p. 121. It was evidently all 
new travelling to Don Juan. 

1 Page 236. ‘Text: “ perros marinos.” 

caray: Text: “ pañetes.” 

2 Page 238. Botero, I, p. 121. 

10 Page 238. ‘The Arabian geographers call the Volga Itil. Later 
our author writes Eder as a rule. 

11 Page 239. Text: “ El navío ajorcó,” tentative translation, for 
the verb “ ajorcar ” does not appear in the Academy Di ttionary. 

12 Page 239. Text: “Vezino,” which the Diétionary of the 
Academy explains as a person “que tiene casa y hogar en un 
pueblo.” See above, Bk I, ch. ii, note 5. Don Juan’s views as to the 
population of Russian towns are, of course, founded on what he thought 
a likely computation, and the figures need not be taken seriously. 


CHAPTER II 


AA dI. “Text: * Ordes.” See Botero, IL, p. 117: 
2 Page 242. The Nogay Tartars were one of the Five Hordes 
(Botero, II, p. 117). 


Sot 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Page 242. Text: “ piexas de gerga breadas.” 

Page 242. ‘Text: “‘ al modo de tornos.” 

Page 242. The Real in 1600 was worth about sevenpence. 
Page 245. Botero, I, p. 97. 

7 Page 245. The Volga and the Western Dvina (flowing to the 
Baltic) take their rise in the Valdai hills, and not in any lake. Botero, 
who apparently is the first to give the name Voluppo, probably 
made this confusion, having misread the name from some map he had 
before him. 

8 Page 246. Text: “Nechena” or “Nochena.” Purchas (Pil- 
grims, VIII, p. 442) writes Negson. Pietro Duodo (Schéfer, p. 277) 
gives Nisnogorod. Novgorod has the meaning of ** New Town.” 

% Page 247. ‘Text: “los Precopenses”-—that is, the Perekop 
Tartars of the Crimea, who, Botero asserts (11, pp. 81 and 117), took 
their name from the title of their Prince. "This, however, is a mistake: 
Perekop in Russian means “a cross-ditch,” and is properly both the 
name of the isthmus joining the Crimea to the mainland, and the name 
of the little town at this place which stood on the va//um defending the 
isthmus. 

10 Page 249. In text given under the strange form of “ Valla 
de Amor.” 

11 Page 250. Antonius Possevinus, surnamed the Elder: Moscovia, 
et alia opera de Statu hujus seculi : Cologne, 1587. 


D am +. ce 


CHAPTER III 


1 Page 252. ‘Tsar Boris Godunof (1598-1605). He had mur- 
dered ‘Tsar Feodor I and usurped his throne. 

2 Page 254. W. Parry, who aéted as secretary to Sir Anthony 
Sherley, and wrote an account of their journey through Russia (Purchas, 
Pilgrims, Vill, p. 446), describing Moscow, says that he saw the 
Great Bell carried in procession from the Kremlin to a shrine some 
thirty miles outside the town. It weighed, he states, 20 tons, and was 
drawn along the whole way on a sledge, to which 3,500 men were 
harnessed, hauling on six great cables “after the manner of our 
Westerne Bargemen.” So heavy was the weight that the friction of 
the moving sleigh set fire to the baulks of timber which there paved the 
Streets of Moscow. Subsequently the Bell was hung in the Tower 
of Ivan the Great in the Kremlin, where Adam Olearius (Relation du 
Voyage, 4to, Paris, 1666, 1, p. 107), the Secretary of the Dutch 
Embassy, saw it in 1636. He writes that he heard it had been cast in 
the reign of Tsar Boris Godunof, and it weighed 336 quintals accord- 
ing to hisreckoning. In 1654, this bell having fallen and broken, the 
metal was recast; and the same disaster happening in 1733, again 
the bell was recast. This third and last bell—the Tsar Kolokol or 
“* King Bell”-—late in the 18th century became cracked, and it now 


33% 


NOTES 


stands dumb at the bottom of the Ivan Tower, with a great piece 
fallen out of its rim. But some of its metal undoubtedly is that of 
the Great Bell seen by Don Juan in 1599. 

raras. Lext:' dos arrobas.” 

t Page 257. ‘Text: “una azumbre de vino.” In the early 17th 
century the Ducat and the Escudo (Crown), almost its equivalent, were 
worth rather more than six shillings ; we may perhaps count three to 
the £ sterling. Hence about £1,000 of that time, but ten times as 
much in modern value. 

5 Page 258. W. Parry (Purchas, Pilgrims, VIII, pp. 443 and 
449) has a different story to tell of the Dominican Friar and his fate. 
According to Parry, the Franciscan and the Dominican fell out while 
voyaging up the Volga in the galleys, and before reaching Nizhni 
Novgorod the Franciscan complained to Sherley of his colleague, 
saying “that Friar Nicolao had spent his life most lewdly in the 
Indies,” and further had embezzled to his own use the money of 
his superiors which had been confided to him. On which charge 
Sherley imprisoned the Dominican on board his galley, and kept 
him in durance the whole time the party stayed awaiting orders at 
Nizhni. On arriving at Moscow Sherley and his colleague the 
Persian ambassador quarrelled, and on the representation of the latter 
Tsar Boris refused to allow the Englishman the rank of Envoy Pleni- 
potentiary of the Sháh travelling to Europe. Further he ordered 
the Friar to be set at liberty, who finding Sherley was out of favour 
at court told lies, in his disfavour, to the “T'sar's Lord Chancellor. 
At a public enquiry into the case Sir Anthony, “ being inflamed with 
choler,” knocked the Friar down, a vindication of his character and a 
line of conduét which evidently pleased the Tsar, for afterwards 
Sherley was “‘ used the better?” and ultimately dismissed from Moscow 
with honour. According to Parry’s account the Dominican was 
simply left behind in Moscow when the others departed. Later, as 
they were on the point of taking ship at Archangel, news came in that 
the Lord Chancellor had finally recognized the Friar to be a swindler, 
had ordered him to be stripped of his ill-gotten moneys, “ leaving him 
not so much as his Friar's Weede, and whether hee caused his throat 
to bee cut, it was uncertaine, but not unlike.” ye 

6 Page 258. Easter 1600. O.S., March 23. hd 

7 Page 258. ‘The river on which Pereyaslav stands is the Nerl, 
which flows directly into the Volga. 

8 Page 259. Text: “Barem” ; elsewhere ** Batem.” Don Juan is 
apparently unaware that this Stream up which he travelled from 
Yaroslav to Rybinsk is the Volga. From Rybinsk they must have 
taken a Volga affluent, and then by a short portage have reached the 
head waters of the Northern Dvina, down which (also spoken of as the 
Barem or Batem) he proceeded to Totma. Brusensk, the next stage, 
is on an affluent of the Dvina, called the Sukhona. Ambassador 


333 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Duodo, by report, says that they went from Moscow “a Suchno, 
dove di novo imbarcati nella Dvina per Colmogvo (Kholmagory) 
pervennero a S. Nicolas ” (Schéfer, p. 277). 

9 Page 260. ‘Text: “* Corer Arcancher.” The first word is a 
mistake for “‘ Gorod,” meaning “town.” Botero (I, p. 99) calls 
Archangel San Nicolo, as also Duodo, by report (Schéfer, p. 277). 


CHAPTER IV 


1 Page 264. Text: “ Caballos marinos,” doubtless dolphins. 

2 Page 265. ‘This must be the estuary of the Elbe and the town 
mentioned below, Stode or Stade lying on its left bank some 25 miles 
to the westof Hamburg. Here W. Parry disembarked ; see Purchas, 
Pilgrims, VIII, p. 449 ; and above, Introduction, note 4. 

3 Page 265. ‘This bird’s-eye view of Germany is derived from 
Botero (I, pp. 69-71). Bucavia was the eastern part of Hesse, of 
which the chief town was Fulda. 

* Page 266. John XIII, Duke of Oldenburg, 1577-1609, or his 
deputy. 
: Page 266. ‘This is the last time Don Juan mentions the Friar, 
but he apparently accompanied the Embassy at least as far as Bohemia, 
for Pietro Duodo (Schéfer, p. 278) writes of “un certo frate scalzo 
Portuguese ” who visited the Papal Nuncio in Prague. 

6 Page 268. Text: “el riñon de Alemania”; Botero; po 7i: 
“* il grasso di Germanis.” Georgius Agricola, a writer on scientific 
subjeéts, died in 1555. 

7 Page 268. ‘These places are given out of order, coming from 
Embden. Alsfeld is south of Kassel, and Weimar a considerable 
distance to the west, and south of Halle. Both must have been visited 
after leaving Kassel, not before. What follows is taken from Botero. 

8 Page 268. Lewis II, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel, 1596-1626. 

% Page 270. ‘This may be either Eisleben, 20 miles west, or 
Aschersleben, 30 miles to the north-west, of Halle ; and it is the only 
name on the list which can be recognized : the others seem beyond 
identification in the forms printed, and none of these names are 
mentioned by Botero. 

10 Page 270. Misnia is the distriét round Leipzig. See Botero, I, 
p. 72, from whom the details are derived of towns enumerated in 
Saxony. 

1 Page 270. Possibly Belzig, 45 miles S.W. of Berlin, but not 
lying on the direét route from Kassel to Leipzig. 

12 Page 271. The readings of both names are tentative, being 
uncertain. ‘The first name as printed in the text is ** Menil Warat,” 
of which the prior half seems probably to be a misprint for Ilmenau, 
in Saxe-Weimar. Warat (or Warta in O.H.G.) is common in 
place-names, meaning a Watch-tower, or Out-look. It is best known 


334 


NOTES 


as occurring in the name of the celebrated Wartburg at Eisenach. 
As regards the name of the second city, Leipzig, it is true, has already 
been mentioned, but in quotation from Botero. In the text the name 
of the town is given as “‘ Syplilit,”” which can hardly be taken as a mis- 
print for the name Dresden, then, as now, the capital of Saxony. At 
Leipzig (a name which was spelt variously in the 16th and 17th 
centuries) the Elector of Saxony had a palace called the Pleissenburg 
(now the Rathaus), where at times he was in residence. It seems 
probable that Don Juan, who was only there for a single night, mistook 
this minor palace in Leipzig for the chief electoral palace of the capital 
city of Dresden. 

13 Page271. Christian 11,1591-1611 Eleétor of Saxony,born 1583. 

M Page 271. Itseems probable that in the text, where we find 
the name given as “ Anyz Vverc” or “ Anyzvverch,” the second 
letter (n) is misprinted for u, and that this curious mis-spelling is 
meant for Aussig on the Upper Elbe, where the river breaks through 
- the mountain of Bohemia. 


CHAPTER V 


1 Page 272. Neither in the recently compiled Ordnance Map of 
Bohemia, nor in Blaeu’s great Atlas (Amsterdam, 1662), are any places 
with names like these to be found between Aussig and Trinka. ‘They 
must have been copied here from Don Juan’s Persian diary, and repre- 
sent the names of the villages passed through by the travellers, and written 
down as our author heard them. 

2 Page 272. ‘Trinka is here given as 3, but later as 5 leagues from 
Prague ; and in fact, ‘Trinka lies about 9 leagues north of Prague on the 
Moldau river. 

3 Page 272. What follows describing Germany is from Botero, 
I, pp. 60-65, and II, p. 93. 

4 Page 275. Duodo reports that the ambassador halted, for his 
official entry, “ alla Stella, discosto da due miglia Italiani di qua (Praga),” 
and the Fugger Letters mention “ the royal pavilion on the Stern,” 
otherwise called the Sternschloss. Our ambassador’s entry into Prague 
took place on the 11th of October according to the Fugger Letter of 
next day’s date. “There were, says the writer, some thirty members 
in the Persian Embassy. ‘They were given lodging in “the Wild Man 
Inn ” on the Klein-Seite in Prague. "The Fugger Letters here make 
the mistake of reporting that the Embassy had travelled from Persia 
to Prague via India and the Cape. Sir Anthony Sherley at the head of 
the Embassy is described as “‘ an Englishman, and he is short and dressed 
in English fashion.”” Husayn ‘Ali Beg, his Persian colleague, was “ an 
elderly grey-haired man, a princely official of the King of Persia, 
attired in Turkish dress, as are likewise his servants.” See the Fugger 
News-Letters, p. 230, and for Pietro Duodo, Schéfer, p. 277. 


335 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


5 Page 275. ‘The escudo, as already said, was at the rate of about 
three to the £ sterling. ‘The reception took place on the 7th of 
November, says Duodo. 

6 Page 276. Rudolf II (1576-1612), grandson of Ferdinand I, 
Charles V’s brother. His sister was the mother of Philip 111 of Spain. 

7 Page 277. For a description of Prague at this time see Botero, 
L,+p+76. 

: Page 277. £1,333 and £66 respectively. 


CHAPTER VI 


1 Page 279. All the places in the above list (the names are won- 
drously mis-spelt in the Spanish text) may be identified on the map, 
as also those that follow later as far as Augsburg. Otto Henry, the 
Pfalzgraf of Sulzbach, reigned from 1569 to 1604. ‘The little city 
is celebrated for its printing-press. 

2 Page 280. ‘This Múunchem (Munich) here must be in error: 
probably a gloss got in from the margin, having been added lower down 
to explain Minicem, as Don Juan writes the name Múnchen for Múnich. 

3 Page 280. Duke William II, surnamed Der Fromme, reigned 
from 1579 to 1598, when he abdicated in favour of his son Maximilian, 
the first Elector of Bavaria. William II survived till 1626. ‘The text 
runs : “ Esta ciudad es Ducado de por si, y el Duque y señor della se 
llama Du-Capi ” : evidently meant for “* Duca Pio.” 

* Page 281. Vincenzo I, Duke of Mantua, 1587 to 1612. 

5 Page 281. What town is intended it isdifficulttosay. The place 
where, before passing up the river Adige to Verona, they were most 
likely to have rested for the night, presumably was Ostiglia. 

6 Page 281. Called Michael Angelo Cerray of Aleppo, according 
to C. Schéfer, I2trodution, p. viii. 

7 Page 282. Ferdinand I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 1587-1609 : 
his wife was Christina, daughter of Charles II, Duke of Lorraine, and 
through her mother a grand-daughter of Queen Catherine de Medici. 

8 Page 283. Hippolito Aldobrandini, Pope Clement VIII, 
1592-1604. 

9 Page 284. See The Three Sherley Brothers, p. 32, where a letter 
is given, dated the 30th April 1601, from the celebrated Jesuit, Robert 
Parsons, who had escaped from England after the execution of Campion, 
and was now Reétor of the English College in Rome. ‘The letter is 
addressed to a friend in England, and according to Parsons Sherley 
asserted that the boxes on investigation by him were found to be charged 
with articles for presentation of very little value ; indeed, instead of 
being worth 300,000 crowns as invoiced, 3,000 was their limit. He 
had therefore sent them all back to Persia as being entirely unsuitable 
for presentation to the European potentates by an ambassador, a person- 
age of his degree. 


336 


NOTES 


10 Page 286. About £666. 

1” Page 286. Sir Anthony Sherley here disappears from Don 
Juan’s narrative. He and the Persian ambassador had never agreed, 
and in the matter of the presents there clearly had been fraud on Sir 
Anthony’s part. After leaving Rome in June, Sherley, taking no thought 
of his Embassy, passed back, travelling very slowly, to Venice, which 
he only reached in March of the following year (1602), from which 
place he memorialized Philip III of Spain. According to Father 
Parsons, since his sojourn in Prague Sir Anthony had become a member 
of the Church of Rome ; this naturally was no recommendation in the 
eyes of Queen Elizabeth, and his letters to Sir Robert Cecil were now 
ignored. In the spring of 1605 he appeared once more in Prague and 
Rudolf II was persuaded to despatch him on a mission to Morocco. 
This proved a complete failure, and he shipped thence to Lisbon. 
In 1607 we find him in Naples, becoming a member of the Council 
of State; in 1610 he was back in Madrid, where his brother Robert 
found him (see above, Book III, chap.i., note 2) and supplied his wants 
with assistance of money. From this time onwards for nearly a quarter 
of a century what little is known of his movements is unimportant; 
he was a pensioner of Spain, and almost a beggar. He lived for the 
most part in Madrid, sinking into complete obscurity, and died there 
apparently in 1635. See The Sherley Brothers. 

12 Page 286. ‘The Ambassador had left Rome, according to the 
Fugger Letter written on the gth June, on the preceding Wednesday, 
after the Pope had presented him with 3,000 crowns (say £1,000: a 
third more than what Don Juan reports). ‘The three converts were the 
barber, the cook and a certain private secretary ; not, however, one of 
the four official Secretaries of Embassy (see Introduction, p. 3), three of 
whom later joined the Roman Communion in Spain. Of the converts 
we learn : “the Pope is to give them ten crowns monthly, and he is in 
hopes that the King of Persia may likewise abandon the Mussulman 
Faith.” See the Fugger Nezos-Letters, p. 243. 


CHAPTER VII 


1 Page 289. Philip 111 had succeeded his father in 1598 at the 
age of twenty. He was completely dominated by the Duke of Lerma, 
who in 1600 persuaded the king to leave Madrid and establish his 
court at Valladolid. 

2 Page 293. About £30;and the sums mentioned in the following 
paragraph may be taken as equivalent to £3,333 and £333 respectively. 

3 Page 294. That is Fons Stillans (see R. Ford, Spain, 3rd Edition, 
1855, p. 770). The Image was supposed to date from the times of 
the Gothic kings, and to have been miraculously hidden away during 
the Moslem dominion. The present church, called Santa Maria del 
Salto, built to commemorate the miraculous escape from death of a 


337 2 


DON JUAN OF PERSIA 


Jewish maiden who had embraced Christianity, and who died in 1237, 
only dates from 1613. 

4 Page 294. ‘The Alcázar, famous through Gi/ Blas, Book IX, 
chap. iv., was almost completely burnt down in 1862, and now has 
been rebuilt. 

5 Page 294. ‘The Aqueduét dating from the reign of Augustus and 
restored under ‘Trajan. 

6 Page 295. ‘The Mint remained here, and coined for all Spain 
till the year 1730, when the works were transferred to Madrid. 

7 Page 297. ‘This Machine, “ el artificio” as Don Juan calls it, 
was constructed by Juanelo "Turriano, a native of Cremona, in 1565 
for Charles V. It could force up 600,000 buckets of water daily 
from the river-bed to the city on the height above, but before long fell 
into disrepair. See Ford, Spaiz (1855), p. 784. 

8 Page 298. Aldea Gallega was due east of Lisbon, on the further 
side of the "Tagus estuary. 


CHAPTER VIII 


1 Page 302. Queen Margaret, King Philip III’s second cousin, 
was the daughter of Charles, Duke of Styria, younger son of the Emperor 
Ferdinand I, Charles V’s brother. 

2 Page 308. About £400. 


338 





INDEX 


As-1-Amu (Oxus), 314 

Aba or Abu, mountain, 139 
Abaga Khan, 318 

“Abbas, Prince, afterwards Shah 


IIA. 27 22-26, 133, 
166-168, 207-227, 231-234, 
310-329 


‘Abd-Allah, son of Mu‘aviyah, 89 

“Abd-Allah Khan the Uzbek 
(Abdalacan), 220-223 

“Abd-al-Malik, Caliph (Abduc 
Melic), 89 

“Abd-al-Mumin the Uzbek, 223 

“Abd-ar-Rahman, Ibn Marjan 
(Ebene Marchen), 106, 306 

Abdias, Bishop, 70, 315 

Abiano (Oxus), 44 

Abu Bakr, Caliph (Abubaxic, 
Bubac), 105 

Abu Luluah, 316 

Abu Muslim, Sulayman (Abu 
Moslum, Amyr Sulayman, 
Luleimin, Amirmo Selemin, 
Amurmoselemin), 90, 317 

Abu Talib, Prince (Abutolef 
Mirza, Butaleph), 202, 211 

Achi-chay river, 186 

Acraganes, 60 

Adaliyah, 98 

Adarman (Aden Manes), 79 

“Adil-Ghiray, Prince (Abdil- 
gulray), 141, 149, 151-153 

Afshar Clan (Afxar), 45 

Aga, meaning a rich husbandman, 
180 

Agathias, 14, 72, 316 

Agazago, 84 

Agricola, Georgius (Icorgio 
Agricola), 268, 334 











Ahmad Pasha, Hajji Begogli 
(Amet Baxa Agy Beolly), 157 
Ahmad, Prince, son of Sultan 
Bayazid II (Acomath, Sultan 
a Comet), 113 

Aix-la-Chapelle (Aquisgrano), 124 

Akcheh Qal‘asi (Agiacalasi), 169 

Akhalkelek (Arguelec), 174 

Akhtah, 48 

Akhtah Husayn (Aéta Osein), 129 

“Ala-ad-Dawlah (Aladulo), 116, 
1197 120, 323 

Alamut, Castle (Halamud, Ala- 
mud Calassi), 25, 200, 329 

Albania of Georgia, 139, 325 

Alburquerque, Duke of, 288 

Alcazar of Segovia, 294 

Alcazar of “Toledo, 297 

Aldea Gallega, 298, 338 

“Alem, Prince (Sultan Alen), 115 

Aleppo, battle, 122 

Alessandri, 313 

Alexander the Great of Macedon, 
66 

Alexander the Great of Georgia. 
See Iskandar 

Alexander, or Gregory of Georgia, 
149, 154, 325 

Alfaqui or Priest, 52 

Alfaqui Amyr, 8, 297, 298 

“Ali Beg, Prince of Astarabad, 219 

“Ali, Caliph, 88, 105, 316 

‘Ali, House of, gt 

‘Ali Khan the Turkoman, son 
of Muhammad Khan (Gali 
Can, Vali Chan Can), 206, 211, 


329 
“Ali Paghman the ‘T‘urkoman, 200 
“Ali Pasha, Khadim : Vizier, 114 


397 


DON JUAN 


“Ali Pasha of Greece, 172 

‘Ali Quli Beg, or Don Philip of 
Persia (Ali Guly Bech), 3, 9, 
226, 292, 299, 302, 336, 337 

Ali Quli Khan, Shamlu (Aliculi- 
chan Xamlu), 155-159, 166, 
TOF sl 75s 202, 200, 20%. 220 

Allah Verdi Khan (Alahuerdi 
Can), 217 

Alp Arslan, or Alphagalo, 94, 318 

Algas Mirza (Elias), 124 

Alsace (Alsacia), 273 

Alsfeld (Alfel) 268, 334 

Altun Qal'ah, 140, 154, 175 

Alvand (Levente), Prince, 11o- 
Liz 

Amandus of Zieriksee, 104, 319 

Amid, or Qara Amid, or Diyar 
Bakr, 44, 137 

Amin, Caliph, 92, 93, 317 

Amir Khan (Emircan), 132, 165, 
175, 176, 183, 194 

Amul, 313 

Amurath, or Murad, 318. See 
Murad 

Amyr the Alfaqui, 8, 297, 298 

Anacyndaxaris, 60 

Anatolia, 321 

Angiolello, 313 

Angora (Ancyra), 114 

Anonymous Merchant, 313 

Antoninus, Archbishop of 
Florence, 81 

Anyz-Werc, 335 

Apianus (Bienewitz), 38, 313 

Aq Qoyunlu, 319 

Aquedué of Segovia, 294, 338 

Aranjuez, 296 

Aras Khan (Areschan), 147, 150 

Araxene Lands (Campos Cal- 
deranos), 139, 170 

Araxes, Aras river, 139 

Arbaces, 63 

Arcadius, Emperor, 76 

Archangel (Corer Arcancher), 


260, 334 


OF PERS ia 


Ardahan (Ardachan), 175 
Ardashir I, Babegan ria 


72 

Ardashir II, 75 

Ardebil Mosque and Sanétuary 
(Ardevil, Arduel), 206, 315 

Ardistan (Argistam), 40 

Arfaxat, 70 

Arkikelek (Arquiquelich), 142 

Arroba, 333 

Arses, 66 

Artabanus, the Parthian, 73, 
315 

Artabanus 111 (Xerxes), 70, 315 

Artaxerxes I, II, and III, 66; and 
see Ardashir, 68 

Artillery, Hessian, 269 

Artillery, Persian, 98 

Artillery, Turkish, 23 

Arunaq, 328 

Ascatades, 59 

Aschalius, 59 

Aschersleben, 334 

Asia Minor, provinces of, 321 

Aslaben, 270 

Assayshlu clan, 46 ' 

Astarabad (Estarabat), 41, 219 

Astrakhan (Hastarcan), 238, 239 

Augsburg (Agusta), 279, 280 

Augustus, Emperor, 67, 280 

Aurich (Haucec), 267 

Aussig (Anyz Werch), 271, 272, 


335 

Authorities used by Remon, 311 

Avalos, Don Juan de, 298 

Avignon, 287 

Ayishah (Aysa), 105 

A‘zam Beg Colgachi (Azem Bec), 
213 

Azerbayjan (Haderbaichan, 
Media Grande), 42 

Azumbre, 333 


Baario, 88 
Babek (Paveco), 72 
Badajoz, 298 


340 


— " 
E dd E din 


INDEX 


Baghdad (Baldac, Bagdat, Baldat), 
43502, 125, 126 

Bagli Pasha (Bally Baxa), 173 

Bahram Chubin, or Varahran, 80 

Bahram, Prince, son of Shah 
Isma‘il (Brechamo Mirza), 124 

Bahram Mirza, son of Shah 
Tahmasp (Bahiram), 129 

Bahram Pasha (Beyran Baxa), 
138, 146 

Balas, or Palash, 76 

Balaus, 58 

Bale (Basilea), 274. 

Balsaim, 295 

Band-i-Amir (Bendeamir), 38 

Barachlu clan, 46 

Barardach, 70 

Barasichus, 71 

Barbadillo, Salas, 10, 310 

Barbaro, Josaphat, 38, 98, 313 

Barcelona, 287 

Barem, or Batem (Volga and 
Dvina), 4, 259, 260, 333 

Barnares, 85 

Basasiri, 318 

Bashachuk, Prince (Bassa Quiuch), 
17» - 

Bashachuk, town, 141 

Bashi, 47 

Bayat clan, 45, 198 

Bayazid I, Sultan (Bayazeto), 95, 

6 


Bayazid II, 19, 103-113, 115,319 

Bayburtlu clan, 46 

Baysunghur (Bayzangures), 96 

Bedel Sultan, Bayat, 198 

Beffroi, or movable tower, 328 

Begum, wife of Shah Muham- 
mad Khuda Bandah, 150-153, 


327 
Belcepho, 94, 318 
Belesys (Beloco), 63 
Bell, great, at Moscow, 254, 332 
Belochus 11 (Beloco), 6o 
Belochus, Annals, 58, 311, 315 
Belus, or Beleus (Belo), 58 


Belzig (Beltcy), 270, 334 

Beng, or Indian hemp, 330 

Bengi Melik (Bengui Melic), 217- 
a5 

Barat (Viron), 278 

Berexen, 272 

Bistam (Vastan), 166 

Black Forest, 273 

Boissard, J. J., 19, 312 

Boris Godunof, "I'sar of Moscow, 
3, 252-2575 332, 333 

Boristhenes, or Bug river,252,259 

Boschalu clan, 46 

Botero, Giovanni, 12, 36, 309, 
311 

Brasier, sacred Persian, 78 

Breydenbach, 99, 319 

Brichjesus (Barasichius), 315 

Browne, E. G., Persian Litera- 
ture, 310 

Brus, mountain, 140 

Brusa (Bursa), 114 

Brusensk (Brusinisca), 260 

Bucavia, 265, 334 

Bunyad Beg (Boniat, Benyat), 
later Don Diego of Persia, 10, 
304, 306, 307 

Buora, 88 


Cairo, 123, 179 

Calderan plains or meadows 
(Campos Calderanos), 20, 118, 
139, 170, 321 

Caliph for Grand Mufti, 322 

Cambaya, 44. 

Cambyses, 66 

Candelor, 95 

Cannon, great Persian, 188-189 

Cannon, great Russian, 257 

Cap or Turban of twelve colours, 
18, 49, I1O 

Caraman, 95 

Caravajal, Don Alvaro de, Court 
Chaplain, 10, 300, 302, 307 

Casa del Campo, 296 

Caspian Sea (Mar de Bacu), 235 


341 


DON JUAN 
Cat-Castle, 328 


Caviare, 241 

Cedrenus, 14 

Celemin, or peck, 314 

Cerray, Michael Angelo, of Aleppo, 


33 

Chaldiran battle, 20, 118 

Chamish Qazaqlu clan (Chamiz- 
cazaclu), 46 

Chares of Lindus, 87 

Charles IV, Emperor, 274 

Charles V, Emperor, 103, 296, 
338 

Charuk, a kind of sandal, 214 

Chaudar, Persian wheat, 267 

Chauslu clan, 46 

Chavat (Gravat, Grauat), 137 

Cheboksary (Chapuazar), 245 

Cherny-Yar (Jamar), 243 

Chersi-Oghlu (Chersiogoli), 121 

Chessel (Quesez), 236 

Childir (Zuyeldei, Quieldier), 136 

Chingiz-Khan (Chinguis), 220 

Chisir river, 227 

Chorlu, 124, 322 

Chosroes I, Anushirvan, 78 

Chosroes 11, Parviz, 82-84 

Christian II of Saxony, 5, 335 

Christina, Duchess of ‘Tuscany, 
336 

Cidi Daud, 88 

Cidi Noccio, 88 

Cidi Tenuin, 88 

Cigala Pasha (Cigala, Chighala- 
Zadah), 170,181-186,201,328 

Clavel, Nicolas, 306 

Clavijo, Embassy of, 96, 318 

Clement VIII, Pope, 7, 284-287, 
336 

Cleves (Clevia), 274 

Clysma, 325 

Colchis (Colquides), 177 

Cologne (Colonia), 272 

Colossus of Rhodes, 87 

Conejos, rabbits or hares, 50, 314 

Constance, Lake, 273 


OF PERSIA 


Constantine V, Emperor, go 

Constantinople, 115 

Contarini, 313 

Conversions to Christianity, 7, 9, 
287, 299, 337 

Coran, 88, 317 

Cordero, Alfonso, Franciscan 
Friar, 331. See Friar 

Coro (Car), 236 

Corsairs, English, 263 

Cortes, N. Alonso, 310 

Cory, eR ieee 

Cossi Boyezlu clan, 46 

Cotarelo, Señor Emilio, 10,310 

Crassus, 142 

Crefeld (Calcaria), 274 

Crimea, Tartars of the, 332 

Cross, True, taken by Persians, 83 

Cross, sign adopted by ‘Turks, 81 

Crusaders, afterwards Druses, 179 

Crusaders in Armenia, 143 

Cudy de Lac, 329 

Cuiniorilu clan, 46 

Curthasi Amanzir, 199 

Cuspinianus, J., 318 

Cyrus, 66 

Cyrus, river of Georgia, 139, 313 

Cyrus, river of Fars, 313 


Dagan, king of the Arabs, 83, 316 

Dallak, barber, 204. 

Damascus, 124 

Damghan (Tangan), 166 

Danube, 273 

Daras, 78 

Darius I, 11, and III, 66 

Daroghah, 46 

Dastagird, 316 

David Khan (Dandchioeg 140, 
155, 173» 174 

Dawlat Khanah, 47 

Deli Muhammad (Deliment), 125 

Dengiz Beg, 310 

Derbend, or Dimir Qapi (Der- 
bent, Demycarpi, Demyrcarpi), 
22, 148 


342 


INDEX 


Dercylus, 60 

Dervish Pasha (Druis Baxa), 138, 
146 

Desmit, Princess (Dedesmit, De- 
desemid), 139-140, 149, 325 

Despina, Princess (Espina), 17, 
107 

Devlahar Khan, 199 

Dhu-1-Qadar, 321 

Dhu-1-Qadarlu clan (Dulgadarlu), 

6 


4 

Diamond at Meshed, 220 

Diego of Persia, Don, 10, 304, 
306, 307 

Di-Meto, Nicolao, Dominican 
Friar (De Molo), 258, 331, 333 

Diyar Bakr, or Qara Amid (Diar- 
bech), 44, 137 

Dog-fish, 236 

Dolphins, 334 

Dominican Friar, 331, 333 

Donauwért (Donauwireth), 280 

Dresden, 335 

Druses of Palestine, 179 

Ducat, or Escudo (Crown-piece), 
273 

Duisburg, 274 

Du Mans, Father, 309 

Duodo, Pietro, 310 

Duren (Dura), 274 

Dvina, northern, 259, 260, 333 

Dvina, western, 332 


Edel, Eder (Itil), 236, 331; and 
see Volga 

Egypt, 123 

Eisleben (Aslaben), 334 

Elbe (Albis), 265, 273, 334 

Elias, Martyr, 315 

Ellingen (Alencen), 279 

Elmacin, 14 

Embden (Emdem), 265, 266 

Emperor, election of, 274 

Ems (Ens), 273 

Enrique, Don Luis, 290 

_Ephthalites, 76 


Eres (Arax), 139, 147, 1581, 325 

Erivan (Yruan, Yrauan, Yrban, 
lerban, Gerban), 23, 41, 169, 
170, 313, 327 

Erlau (lula or Iulia), 126 

Erpenius, 14 

Ertoghrul (Orthogoules), 9 5 

Erzerum (Erzirun), 136 

Esalas, son of Adabas, 71 

Escoceso, not meaning Scotch, 327 

Escoreal, 295, 307 

Escudo (Crown-piece), 333 

Esma, or Esmi Khan Shamlu 
(Esmican Xamblu), 202-205, 
329 

Esmariles, 327 

Espaollanes, 328 

Essekia Lake, 140, 325 

Estratassenc, 272 

Eudocia, Empress, 82 

Eunuchs, Palace, 13, 47 

Eupacmes, 60 


Fabia, Empress, 82 

Fanega, bushel, 328 

Fagih (Fachines, Facohines), 106 

Farhad Beg (Faraat Bech, Farhat), 
206-211 

Farhad Khan (Farat Can), 224-226 

Farhad Pasha (Ferat Baxa), 
124, 169-175, 201, 327 

Fars, Farsistan (Farsi), 38 

Fastiginia, 310 

Ferdinand J, Grand Duke of 
Tuscany, 6, 336 

Feria, Duke of, 287 

Ferrara, 282 

Florence, 282 

Fons Stillans, 337 

Freezing of the Volga, 245 

Freudenberg (Fritberc), 267 

Friars, the two Portuguese, 233, 
236; Dominican, 258, 331; 
333; Franciscan, 263, 265, 266, 
$317 334 

Fuenzisla, 294, 337 


343 


DON JUAN 


Fuderitz, 279 
Fugger Letters, 309 
Fulda, 334 
Funerals, 53 


Gag (Gago), 58 

Ganges, 58 

Ganjah (Genche, 
42, 146, 202, 313 

Gaza, 123 

Geicon, 236 

Genebrardus, Gilbertus, 318 

Genoa, 287 . 

Georgia (Gurgistan, 
21, 139-142 

Georgian Guard (Christian rene- 
gades), 209 

Georgian Princes, 326 

Georgievits, B., 318 

Gerban, 313 

Germany, High and Low, 272 

Ghazan Khan, tomb of, 328 

Ghazzali, 122, 123, 322 

Gil Blas, 338 

Gilan (Guylan), 40, 214 

Gineta, 314 

Giovio, Paolo, 104, 319 

Gokchah Lake (Lago di Gioco), 
44, 314, 325 

Golden Bull of the Empire, 274 

Gonzaga, Duke, 6, 281, 336 

Gory, Prince, 140 

Gouvea, Antonio de, 331 

Granwick Bay (Gradusco), 252 

Gregory V, Pope, 273 

Gregory (Alexander), 149, 154, 


Guienche), 


Gurgia), 


325 
Griclu clan, 46 
Guasque, Francisco, 11, 286, 289 
Guesher, 214 


Gypsies, 57 


Hahnbach (Quienpu), 279 
Haji-Faqihlu clan (Achifaquilu), 
6 


4 
Hakim, 46 


OF PERSIA 


Halle (Alla), 270 
Hamadan (Amadan, Gerban), 38, 


40 

Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, 14, 17 

Hamete ford, 94 

Hammer-Purgstall, J., 321 

Hamzah, Prince (Amjamirza, 
Emir Amze, Emir Hamze 
Mirza, Amzam Amsan), 21, 
26, 133, 134, 149, 181, 184- 
186, 198, 203-206 

Hamzahlu clan (Ambzalu), 46 

Haram, 13, 47 

Haram-Ishik-aqasi, 48 

Hares or rabbits, 50, 314 

Harmandalu clan, 46 

Harnares, 85 

Harun-ar-Rashid, Caliph (Haron 
Rekid), 92 

Hasan (Azan, Azen Assum, 
Hazen Cassam, Asayn Hassain) 

Hasan. See Uzun Hasan 

Hasan ‘Ali Beg, Secretary (Azen 
Ali Bec), 304 

Hasan Beg, ‘Turkish Chief (Assum 
Beyo), 95 

Hasan Beg of Qaraman, 99 

Hasan Khalifah, 113 

Hasan Pasha, the Eunuch (Azan 
Baxa), 162, 164, 179 

Hasan Pasha, son of Muhammad 
Sokolli, 156-158 

Hasan Pasha, or Bey, son of 
Janbulat (Asayn Bech, Hassain 
Baxa Granbulat), 148, 170 

Hashimites, go 

Haydar Aga, Ambassador, 161 

Haydar Mirza, son of Shah 
‘Tahmasp, 129-131 

Haydar Mirza, son of Prince 
Hamzah, 202 

Haydar, Shaykh, of Ardebil 
(Aydar, Heydar), 16, 104, 107, 
108; his Mosque at Tabriz, 193 

Heads, decapitated, 28 

Hecatompylos, 39 


344 


INDEX 


Helmets, 50 

Henry, Prince, the Navigator, 37 

Heraclius, Emperor, 82-84 

Herat (Herjia, Hieri, Heri, 
Tiras), 22, 41, 128, 166-168, 
420, 225 

Hercynian Forest (Erzinia, Er- 
cinia), 245, 273 

Hersbruck (Yzpruch), 279 

Hesse (Asia), 267, 280,334. See 
Kassel 

Hirschau (Hirjo), 279 

Hisham, Caliph (Hexen Aben 
Alas, Hachum Ebue Alas), go 

Hoodee, 329 

Hormisdas or Yazdagird III, 
316 

Hradschin, 275 

Hulagu Khan, 92, 318 

Husayn (Huscein, Hossain Huzen, 
Ozen, Osein, Uzen) 

Husayn, Caliph, 89, 106 

Husayn Akhtah (Eunuch), 129 

Husayn (or Hasan) ‘Ali Beg, 
Ambassador, 3, 234, 303-306, 
331, 335 

Husayn Beg (Uzen Beg), 217 

Husayn Khan Shamlu (Huzen 
Can Xamblu), 206 


Ibn Marjan, 106, 306 

Ibn Muljam, 306 

Ibn Sayyar, Nasr (Iblinio), 91 
Ibrahim Khan (Ebrain Chan), 


99» 103, 319 
Ibrahim Khan, Ambassador, 161, 


327 

Ibrahim Mirza, son of Shah 
‘Tahmasp, 129 

Ibrahim Pasha ¡A Baxa), 
Governor of Egypt, 179, 180 

Idel, 238. See Volga 

Idol at Mangishlagh, 237 

lerban, 313 

lesdri (Lyedro), 38 

Ignaro, 318 


liras (Shiraz), 128, 323 

llderim (Eldrim Turbellino), 96, 
319 

I1-Khans, 318 

Ilmenau, 271, 334 

Images in Russian churches, 239 

Imam Quli Khan Qajar (Man- 
gulican Cacher), 145, 146, 154, 
198, 202 

Imam Quli Khan, son of Sham- 
khal, 140, 326 

Imam Quli Khan, 327 

Imam Riza Shrine, at Meshed 
(Eman Reza), 220 

Imams of the Shi'ahs, 320 

imbrael, 10, 93, 317 

Imola, 319 


| Inazlu clan, 46 


Indus, 58 

Inn river (Eno, Eyno), 273 

Iraq, Arabian, 43 

Iraq, Persian (Herac), 39 

‘Isa Khan (Yzacan, Ysacham), 
129-142 

Isfahan (Espahan), 39, 206, 224 

Ishik-agasi-bashi, 47, 314 

Iskandar, Prince, Leventoghlu 
(Eskender), 138-140, 142,144, 
148, 160 

Islam Ghiray, 328 

Isma‘il I, Prince, then Shah, 2, 
15-17, 19, 104, I10, 124, 206, 
315, 320, 329 

Ismail Il, 21, 128-132,:324 

Isma‘il Mirza Sultan, son of 
Prince Hamzah, 202, 203, 330 

Isma'il, brother of Shah ‘Abbas, 
216 

‘Ismet Khan Ustajlu (Ymet Can 
Extexelu), 220, 329 

Ispihrlu clan (Ispyrrhlu), 46 

Itil, 3313 and see Volga 


Ja‘far, Imam (Imamchafer), go 
Ja‘far Pasha the Hungarian rene- 
gade (Zafero), 121 


345 


DON JUAN 


Ja‘far Pasha the Eunuch (Ajafer), 
pd : 

Ja‘far Quli Beg (Cha Bargulibec), 
18 


9 
Ja‘far Quli Khan (Chabarguli 


Can), 198 
James, Bishop of Nisibis, 75 
Janberdi Ghazzali (Lanburdo 


Gazelle), 122, 123 

Janbulat (Gran Bulat Chan), 148, 
170 

Jawhar the Eunuch (loar), 123 

Jem, Prince, Jamshid (Zezimo), 
103 

Jenkinson, Anthony, 8 

Jews in Russia, 240 

John of Austria, Don, 127 

John IV, Emperor of ‘Trebizond, 
17, 107, 320 

John XIII, Duke of Oldenburg, 
334 

Jonas, Martyr, 72 

Juan, Don, of Persia (Uruch 
Beg), 10, 11, 24,185, 192,198, 
223, 225, 299-308 

Juanelo ‘Torriano, 338 

Jub, 270 

Judas ‘Thaddzus, 70 

Judi or Hudi, 329 

Julian, Count, go 

Julich, 274 

Jurji Qal‘ah  (Gurgicalassi, 
Quiurquiur, or Guarchingala), 
141, 143 

Justin, 78 

Justinian, Emperor, 78 

Justinian, son of Germanus, 80 

Juvencus, 67, 315 


Kaffa, 177 

Kaisheim (Cazerchen), 280 

Kalo Joannes, Emperor (Juan), 
17, 107, 320 

Kamakh, 321 

Kanak river (Chanac, Canac), 


145, 325 


OF PERSIA 


Kashan (Cassan, Caxan), 40, 206 
Kassel, 268-270. See Hesse 
Kay Khusraw, Prince, 325 
Kaytas Pasha (Caytas Baxa), 147 
Kazan (Cazzan), 243 
Keysite Arabs of Modar (Cays- 
moros Amonitas), go 
Khadijah, sister of Uzun Hasan, 


320 

Khalifah Khan (Baly Can), 195, 
199) 349 

Khalil Khan Afshar, 324 

Khan, title preceding name, 314, 
32 

nate implies a noble, 46 

Khan Ahmad, Prince of Gilan 
(Can Hamet), 214, 215 

Khan Muhammad Quli Khalifah 
(Can Mahamet Culicalefa), 213 

Khan Sayyid Oghlu, 42 

Khayr Beg (Cayerbeyo), 121-123 

Khayr-ad-Din Pasha (Cherydemo 
Baxa), 116 

Kholmagory (Cormacury), 260 

Khoy (Coy), 43, 117 

Khuda Bandah, Shah, meaning of 
name, 134; and see Muhammad 

Khuda Verdi the Barber (Cudy 
de Lac), 204, 205 

Khurasan (Coragan), 41, 220, 


313 

Khurramabad (Cormaba, Cor- 
mava), 42, 216, 217 

Khusraw Pasha (Ustref Baxa), 


137 
Kieder Gul Lake (Quierdergul) 
142 
Kirman (Quierman), 38 
Kladrau (Cludra), 279 
Kling, 272 
Kliska (Cliska), 174 
Klussen, 272 
Knights of St. John, 122 
Knolles, R., 16, 312 
Kolomna (Colona), 249 
Kornberg (Curinberc), 279 


346 


INDEX 


Kremlin, 250 

Kuh-Giluyah-lu clan (Cohequi- 
lu), 46 

Kuman the Crim Tartar, 177, 178 

Kur river (Cyrus) of Fars, 313 

Kur (Cyrus) of Georgia, 139, 313 

Kurdistan, (Curdistan), 43 

Kurs, the Scythian (Cuyso Scytha), 


78 
Kutahiyah (Cuteya), 113 
Kuzah - Kunan village 
cunan), 180 


(Cuza- 


Labassap, Prince, 140, 14.1, 325 

Labnic, 270 

Lahijan (Lahychan, Ciudad de 
la Hichan), 40, 215, 313 

Lampraes, 60 

Laosthenes, 60 

Laplanders, 263 

Lauf (Luf), 279 

Lavarsab, 325, 326 

Lavarza, Prince, 325 

Leghorn (Levorno), 283 

Leipzig, 270, 271, 335 

Leman, Lake of, 298 

Lepanto, battle, 127 

Leprus mountain (Lepro), 117 

Lerma, Duke of, 289, 290, 300 

Lerma, Duchess of, 307 

Levente, or Leventoghlu. 
Iskandar, Prince 

Lewis II, Landgrave of Hesse, 
334 

Libreria Susiana, 315 

Lisbon, 298 

Lory (Cory), 141 

Lovers, in Persia, 54 

Lucerne Lake, 273 

Lur, Luristan (Lar), 39, 216 


See 


Machchalatheus, 59 

““ Machine ” at Toledo, 297, 338 

Madrid, 296 

Magdeburg (Madeburg, Madem- 
burg), 270 


Magellan, 312 

Maghud, 317 

Magi, the ‘Three Kings, 67 

Mahdi, Caliph (Mahamet Me- 
hedi), 92 

Mahdi, the ‘Twelfth Imam 
(Mahamet Mahedin), 91 

Mahdi Quli Khan Chaushli, 215, 


329 
Mahdi Quli Khan Shamlu (Medi- 
guly Can Xamblu), 215 
Mahmudlu clan, 46 
Mahomed the Prophet, 104 
Main, river (Meno, Meyno), 


273 

Mainz (Maguncia), 272 

Makran, 44 

Malcolm, Sir John, 329 

Mamodee Mahmud, 325 

Mamun, Caliph (Menon), 92, 
93> 317 

Mamuthos, 59 

Mangishlagh (Minquezlac), 237 

Mansfeld, 270 

Mansur, Caliph, 91 

Mansur, Captain of the Guard 
(Amansar, Amanzar), 109 

Mantua, 280 

Manuchihr, or Mustafa, Prince 
(Manichor, Manicha-Muny- 
quier), 139, 149, 154, 162- 
165, 169-171, 174 

Magsud Aga (Mahud Aga), 180 

Maraghah (Malaga), 43 

Marand (Moran), 181 

Marciana (or Van) Lake, 171 

Marco Polo, 36 

Margancia the Slave, or Marjan, 
86, 316 

Margaret, Queen of Spain, 10, 
302, 338 

Marjan, 316 

Marriage customs, 55 

Martha, mother of Shah Isma‘il, 
107 

Martyropolis, 80 


347 


DON JUAN 


Marwan II, Caliph (Maruia), 
g0-gI 

Masi, 137 

Masszeus, Christianus, 316 

Matariyah (Matera), 123, 322 

Matthzus Palmerius, 82 

Maurice, Emperor, 79, 80 

Mazandaran (Hyrcania), 41, 217 

Medicis, Giovanni de, Prince, 
282 

Melitene, 79 

Menil Warat, 334 

Menon, 61, 315 

Merida, 279 

Meshed (Maxet, Mexet, Massa- 
hat), 220 

Meshed “Ali (Massadal), 106 

Meto, or Molo, Dominican Friar, 
258, 331, 333 

Meuse river (Musa, Mosa), 273 

Michael, Emperor, 93 

Minadoi, G.’T., 12, 19, 36, 311, 
312 

Mingrelia, 139 

Mint at Segovia, 295, 338 

Mirza before or after a name, 
323 

Misnia, 270, 334 

Mistakes in spelling proper names, 
15, 311, 326 

Mocenigo, Pietro, 97, 319 

Moldau (Molta), 273, 277 

Molo, Nicolao de, Friar, 258, 
331, 333 

Montpellier, 287 

Montserrat, 288 

Mora, Don Cristobal de, 298, 
303-307 

Moscova river (Mosco), 249 

Moscow (Mosca, Moscao), 249- 
258 

Moselle (Mosella), 273 

Mu‘awiyah, Caliph (Manoa, 
Manua, Mabia), 88, 106 

Mufti, Grand, of Baghdad, 125, 
322. 


OF PERSTA 


Muhammad, Governor of Qara 
Amid, 181, 184, 185 

Muhammad, Governor of Tiflis, 
157 

Muhammad, son of Ignaro, or 
Imbrael, 93 

Muhammad the Prophet. 
Mahomed, 104 

Muhammad I, Sultan, 96 

Muhammad II, Sultan, 16, 97- 
100 | 

Muhammad III, Sultan, 27, 161, 
223, 231, 327 

Muhammad Aga, Grand Chaush, 
231, 330 

Muhammad Ghiray, 328 

Muhammad Khan the Turko- 
man (Mahamet Can), 195 

Muhammad Khan Bayat, 222 

Muhammad Khuda  Bandah, 
Shah, 21, 128, 134, 209-211, 
222, 324, 329 

Muhammad Pasha, nephew of 
Mustafa Pasha, 162-164 

Muhammad Pasha, son of Far- 
had Pasha, 137, 143 

Muhammad Sharif Khan (Ma- 
hamet Xerif Can), 213 

Mu‘izz, Fatimite Caliph, 123 

Mukhtar (Mucthar), 89, 317 

Mulciano, 88 

Munich (Minicen, Munchem), 
280, 336 

Munster (Monasterio), 274 

Murad I, Sultan (Amurathes), 95 

Murad II, Sultan, 96 

Murad III, Sultan, 21, 133, 161, 
162, 169, 178, 223 

Murad Khan, son of Sultan 
Ya‘qub (Morat Cham), 110, 
rig 

Murad Pasha of Qaraman, 184, 
18 

Murad, Prince, son of Sultan 
Bayazid 11, 82, 115, 117, 119 

Murom (Morlo), 248 


See 


348 


INDEX 


Murshid Quli Khan (Murjud 
or Marxud Guli Can), 207, 208 

Musa Kazim the Seventh Imam 
(Musacacazem, Muzaicazen, 
Mussa Cassun), 17, 91 

Mus‘ab ibn Zubayr (Mohezen, 
Mahazan), 89 

Mustafa. See Manuchihr, 154 

Mustafa (or Sultan Mustafa), 
son of Shah "Tahmasp, 129, 323 

Mustafa Bey, 156 

Mustafa Pasha, 21, 
148, 156 

Mu'tasim, Caliph, 93 


13371305 


Nakhchevan (Nasiban, Naciuan, 
Nacchiuan, Nachuan), 170 

Narbonne, 287 

Narses, 74 

Nasr-ad-Din Chelebi (Nasserdin), 
144 

Nasr ibn Sayyar, 91 

Nauplia, or Napoli di Romania, 98 

Neckar (Neccaro), 273 

Negropont battle, 127 

Nerl river, 333 

Neuchatel (Neoborges), 273 

Neuss (Nuyz), 274 

Neutri, 272 

Nicephorus Bryennius, 71, 315 

Nicephorus Callistus, 71, 315 

Nicheps Sultan Bayat, 198 

Nienburg (Nimbrec), 267 

Nimes, 287 

Nimrod (Nembroth), 58 

Nisf-i-Jahan or Isfahan (Nispe- 
chahan), 39 

Nishapur (Nichahur), 166 

Nisibis, 75 

Nissat mountains (Montes Nissa- 
tos), 112 

Nizhni-Novgorod (Nechena, No- 
chena), 246, 332 

Nogay Tartars (Nocay), 242, 331 

Nohum, 215 

Nuremberg (Norimberga), 279 


Ob river, 252 

Ochus, 66 

Odenathus of Palmyra, 74 

Oder (Odera), 273 

Oghlu, 326 

Oldenburg (Holdreberc), 
334 

Olearius, Adam, 332 

Oliga, Mount, 114 

Olivares, 288 

Oman, Sir C., 328 

Omar, Governor of Safed, 160 

Omar I, Caliph (Homar, Hoz- 
maz), 85, 105 

Omar IJ, Caliph (Omarebene 
Moar), go 

Omar Mirza, grandson of Ta- 
merlane, 96, 319 

Omar Pasha, 163 

Ophrateeus, 60 

Oriath clan, 46 

Orkhan (Orcanes, Oranes), 95 

Ormuz, 8 

Oronte, Mount, 182 

Osnabruck, 274 

Ostiglia, 336 

Othman, Caliph (Odman, Osman, 
Oromaz, Ottomar), 87, 105 

Othman (Ottomano), the ‘Turk, 


267, 


95 
Othman Pasha, 24, 147, 153,154, 
174-186 | 
Otranto, 100, 281, 336 
Otto Heinrich, Pfalzgraf of Sulz- 
bach (Ottuhynzic), 279, 336 
Ottoman Turks, rise of, 95 
Oxus (Osso, Abiano), 44, 314 


Paderborn, 274 

Palash, 76 

Pannas, 60 

Pari- Khan - Khanum, Princess 
(Pericancanon), 21, 129-135 

Parry, W., 309, 332-334 

Parsons, Robert, the Jesuit, 336, 
337 


349 


DON JUAN 


Pausoutes, 66 

Peck, measure, 50 

Pedigree of Shah Isma‘il’s an- 
cestors, 320 ; of his descendants, 
324 of Georgian Princes, 326 

Perbyn, 270 

Perekop ‘Tartars, or Precopenses, 
Turks, 149, 247, 332 

Pereyaslav (Parasvalt, Paraslap), 
258 

Periard Mountains, 139 

Perikorsk ‘Tartars (Perecroseos), 
142, 240 

Perionius, 70 

Perozes, 76 

Perpignan, 287 

Persepolis, 38, 313 

Pertiades, 60 

Pervana Gul, Lake (Vanachul), 
143, 326 

Peyclu clan, 46 

Pfraumberg, 279 

Philip II of Spain, 295, 296 

Philip III, 7, 291, 307, 308 

Philip of Persia, Don, 3, 9, 226, 
292, 299, 302, 336, 337 

Phocas, Emperor, 82 

Pilsen, 279 

Pineda, Juan de, 81, 98, 316 

Pious Duke of Bavaria, 280 

Pir Ahmad (Pyramet), 99 

Pir ‘Ali (Pirehaeli), 108 

Pir Muhammad (Piramahamet), 


129 
Pir Quli Beg (Pergoly Beg), 255 
Pisa, 282 
Pisasiri, 93 
Pleissenburg Palace, 335 
Polo, Marco, 36 
Pompey, 142 
Possevinus, A., 250, 332 
Pousein, 272 
Prague, 277 
Presents given to the Embassy, 8 
Prester John, 42 
Priam, 61 


OF PERE ESA 


Ptolemy, 66 
Purandokht, 316 
Purchas, Pilgrims, 309 


Oahqahah Castle (Gagaha, Ca- 
haca), 129, 329 

Qaim, Caliph (Cain Adam), 93 

Qaisari (Queisen, Cheuseri), 128 

Oajar clan (Cacher), 46, 314, 330 

Oali, 48 

Oandahar (Candahar), 42 

Oansuh Ghuri Ashraf, Sultan 
(Chanpsou Zyauro), 20, 121, 
122 

Oapuchi-bashi, 47 

Qara Aghach (Caragach, Cara- 
cach), 150 

Qara Amid (Carahemit), 44, 137 

Qarabachiqlu clan (Carabach- 
aclu), 46 

Oarabagh, 313 

Qara-Chumaqlu clan (Caracho- 
maclu), 46 

Qara Hasan Khan (Gara Hazen 
Can), 212 

Oarakush (Caracux, Caracuh), 113 

Oaramanlu clan (Garamanlu), 46 

Oara-Ooyunlu clan (Garacoinlu), 
46, 314 

Oars (Cars), 128, 141, 156 

Oasim Pasha (Cassin), 118 

Oastamuniyah (Castlemoth), 114 

Qazvin (Casbin), 24, 40, 197-200 

Oizil Bash, Cap. (Cuseluas), 18, 
IIO 

Oobad I, 76 

Qobad II, 316 

Oonia, Iconium, 113, 178 

Qoyun-Chay battle (Coinchay), 
125 

Quieres (Qars), 141 

Quimendec, Quimidac, 270 

Qulzum, the Caspian (Curzum, 
Colzun), 139, 325 

Qum (Gom), 40 

Quran (Coran), 88, 317 


ISA 


INDEX 


Ourchi Bashi Khan (Gorchi 
Bassi, Gorgivassi Can), 189, 
218 

Qurqud, Governor 
muniyah, 114 

Ourqud, Prince (Corcut), 20, 
109.113 


of Qasta- 


Rabbits or hares, 50, 314 

Rawlinson, Canon G., 315 

Real, coin, 332 

Red Cap of the Shi‘ahs,18, 49, 110 

“* Red Head,” 110 

Reindeer, 263 

Relaciones, writing of the, 11 

Remon the Licentiate, 10; his 
authorities, 311 

Rhine, 273 

Rhodes, 97, 122, 319, 322 

Rhodes, Colossus of, 87 

Rimak mountains (Rimac), 125 

Rivan Khan, 328 

Riza, Imam, Shrine, 220 

Rizvan Pasha (Resuan Baxa), 156, 
102, 173 

Roberg, 270 

Rokitsan (Roquencan), 279 

Rome, 284-287, 310 

Roth (Brot), 279 

Roumelia, 118, 321 

Rudolf 11, Emperor, 6, 274-277, 
310, 336 

Ruisar, 331 

Rustam, Prince, 100 

Rybinsk (Xibisca), 259 


Saale river (Salas), 267, 270 
Sabzivar (Sapzoar), 166 

Safavi Dynasty, 18 

Saffah, Caliph, 91 

Safi, Prince (Sophi Mirza), 226, 


231 
Safi-ad-Din, Shaykh, 18, 315 
Sahamal (Shamkhal), 323 
Salamansa, 94 
Salamenus, 64 


Salman, or Salmas, Mirza, 132- 
134, 150, 168, 169 

Salmas, Prince, 138 

Salmas, town (Salma), 43 

Salsas, 287 

Sam Mirza, Prince (Samirza), 
124 

Samara on Volga, 243 

Samir-Khan (Sanmyrchan), 147 

San Juan, Francisco de, 303 

San Nicolo, Archangel, 260, 334 

Santa Cruz, Marquis de, 305, 306 


Sapor I, 74 

Sapor 11, 68, 71, 74, 75 

Sapor III, 75 

Sagali Sultan, the Turkoman 


(Sacholi, Sacoli), 196, 200 
Sardanapalus, 60, 63 
Sarozolachlu clan, 46 
Sasan, 72 
Savah (Saba), 40 
Savona, 287 
Saxony, 270, 271 
Saymarah (Zeymara), 39 
Sayyid Oghlu, Khan (Can Cia- 

dogli), 42 
Sayyids (Zeythes), 106 
Scaliger, Joseph, 86 
Schefer, C., 309 
Schiavi, or Slaves’ Lake, 326 
Scotch River, 327 
Scylitzes, 14. 

Secusa, 123 

Segestani, 74, 316 

Segovia, 294, 295, 337 

Selim I, Sultan, the Grim, 20, 

115,120, 124 
Selim II, Sultan, the Sot, 21, 127 
Shabdah Sultan (Chabda), 168 
Shah ‘Ali Sultan Bayat (Sahaly), 


198 

Shah Rukh, 96 

Shah Suvar Oghlu (Sasso Var), 
120 

Shah Verdi Khan (Xavardi Can), 
210,27 


Jae 


DON JUAN 


Shahr Banu, Princess, 17 

Shahr Barz (Sarbard, Sarbaras), 
83-85 

Shaki (Sequi), 14.5 

Shamakhi (Symiach, Sumachi, Su- 
machia), 109, 147, 148, I51I 

Shamkhal, Prince (Sahamal), 140 

Shamkhal, Prince of Brus, 148, 


153, 323 

Shamkhal Khan (Kamal, Xam- 
hac), 130, 131 

Shamlu clan (Xamblu), 45 

Sharaf Khan (Serapychan, Se- 
raphchan), 145, 146 

Shari‘ah, 87 

Shaykh Ahmad (Xic Hamet), 215 

Shaykh Sophi (Xiek Sofi, Xiche 
Sophi), 19, 53, 206 

Shaytan Qal'ah (Assaythan Ca- 
lassi), 172 

Sheba (Sabo), 58 

Sheep, big Persian, 43 

Sheep, black and white, "Turko- 
mans, 319 

Shenb Ghazan (Xan Cassan), 186 

Sherley Brothers, the Three, 309 

Sherley, Sir Anthony, 1, 4,7, 227, 
232-234, 258, 261, 283-286, 
9333 III 

Sherley, Sir Robert, 1, 233, 337 

Shi‘ah Cap, 18, 49, 110 

Shi‘ah cursings, 330 

Shi‘ah Doétrine, 17 

Shi‘ahs, massacre of, 321 

Shiraz (Syras, Siras, Xiras), 38, 
128, 313 

Shirvan (lervan, Geruan), 22, 
41,.139> 313 

Shuster (Suster), 39 

Siena, 283 

Simon, Saint, 70 

Simon, Prince (Simaorz), 140, 
155-158, 171, 173, 174 

Sinan Pasha (Synan Baxa), 118, 
122, 159-162, 165, 328 

Sinan, son of Cigala. See Cigala 


OF PERSIA 


Siroes, 84 

Sirto (Syrtho), 38 

Sisebuth the Visigoth, 82 

Sistan (Cistan), 42, 74 

Sittas, 80 

Sixtus IV, Pope, 100 

Siyavush Pasha (Chaus or Xaus 
Baxa), 165, 176-178 

Skulls of deer in a tower, 40 

Skulls of Turks in a tower, 42 

Sledges, horse, and sleds, 246 

Smerdis, 66 

Sogdianus, 66 

Sokolli, Grand Vizier, 156, 329 

Solachlu clan, 46 

Sophi, Grand, 18, 111 

Sophi Kings of Persia from Imam 
Musa Kazim, 91 

Sosares, 60 

Sosarmus, 60 

Spain, Moslem conquest of, 89 

Spherus, 59 

Stade, or Stode, 265, 309, 334 

St. John, Knights of, at Rhodes, 
122 

Sternschloss, 335 

Stettin not Stode, 309, 334 

Stirrups, short, 50 

Strasburg, 274 

Sturgeon, 241 

Suanyr, 71 

Suf and Sufi, 18, 111 

Sufiyan (Sophian), 181 

Sugurghatmish (Sagruco), 96 

Sugut (Soguta), 95 

Sukhona river, 333 | 

Sulayman, Caliph (Sulayman 
Hastian), go 

Sulayman, Prince, 109 

Sulayman, Sultan, the 
nificent, 20, 121, 124 

Sulayman the Seljuk (Salamansa), 


Mag- 


31 
Sultan Ali Beg Bayat, 3, 23, 24, 


158, 176, 190-193 
Sultan Ali Mirza, 129 


352 


INDEX 


Sultan Haydar, Prince, 213 

Sultan Mahmud, 213 

Sultan Mustafa, 129 

Sultaniyah, 198 

Sulzbach, Pfalzgraf of (Sultzba- 
hac), 279, 336 

Surius, Laurentius, 72, 316 

Susiana (Sosian), 39 

Susianian Library, 58, 315 

Swiss Cantons and Switzerland 
(Helvecia, Elvezia), 273, 274 

Syplilit, or Leipzig, 5, 335 

Syris, son of Abraham, 59> 


315 
Szigeth (Liquet), 126 


Tabriz (Tauris), 24, 40, 42, 110, 
119, 124, 176, 181-184, 188- 
239 

Tahmasp, Prince, 24, 133, 195, 
200, 211 

“Tahmasp I, Shah (Tahamas), 2, 
21,40, 45, 124-130, 141 

Taj, cap, 49 

Takkeh-lu clan (Thacalu), 46 

Talim Khan the Uzbek (Telin 
Can), 224, 225 

Taloghli, Aga of the Janissaries 
(Tailloli), 160, 327 

'"Tamchosro (Thamar Cosdroes), 


9 

Tamerlane (Tambur, Tamur Bec, 
Tanburlan), 95, 96, 166, 220, 
237, 240 

Tangrolipix, 16, 94, 318 

Tanning Wells, 248 

Tartar Khan, of the Crimea, 152- 
154 

Tartars inRussia: Perekop Tar- 
tars, 149, 247, 332; Perikorsk 
Tartars, 142, 240; and see 
Uzbeks 

Tassia, 114 

Tekelli Qizil Bash (Techelle 
Cuselvas), 19, 113, 321 

Terjan battle, 100, 319 


Boo 


Teuso, 236 

Teutamus, Teutaus, 60 

Teuthanes, 61, 315 

Theodosius II, Emperor, 76 

Theophanes, 15 

Theophilus, Emperor, 93 

Thonus Concolerus, 60 

Thuringia, 267 

Tiberius I, Emperor, 69 

Tiberius II, Emperor, 79 

Tiflis, 141, 143, 156, 157, 158, 
TGs 7 7 

Timeus, 60 

Timur Beg. See Tamerlane 

Titon, 61, 315 

Toledo, 279, 297 

Tomanis (Thomanis), 141 

‘Toqmag Khan Qashlu (‘Tocomac 
Can Caxelu), 136, 145, 146, 
160, 170, 198 

Tornamira, Juan de, 76 

Totma (Turmen), 260 

Tower of deer skulls, 40 

Tower of Turkish skulls, 42 

Treves (Reucri misprint for 
Treveri), 272 

Triala, 143 

Trinka (Trinc), 272, 274, 335 

Tripartite History, 71, 315 

Truxillo, 279 

‘Tudela del Duero, 288 

Tufangchi, 52 

Tughril Beg (Trangolypico Mon- 
caleto), 94 

Tuman Bey, Mamluk Sultan, 122, 
123 

Turavets (Turavichis), 260 

Turbat-i-Haydari (Turbeth, Tur- 
bhat), 166, 222 

Turkish Ambassador at Venice, 
282 

Turkish Amirs, Seven, 95 

Turkish Artillery, 23 

Turkish Sultans, Ottoman, 95 

Turkoman Chay, 137 

Turkoman clan, 45 


AA 


DON JUAN 


Turkoman tribesmen of Tabriz, 
24, 184, 194-200 

Turkomans of the Black Sheep, 
46, 314 

Turks in Persia, 93, 94 

Turshiz (‘Turcis), 166 

Tzar Kolokol, 332 

Tzaritzyn (Zarecen), 243 


Uhagon, Señor, 311 

Uluch Ali, Admiral (Alyucheli), 
136 

Urrea, Diego de, 294 

Uruch or Ulugh Beg, 1, 309; 
and see Don Juan of Persia 

Ustad Oghlu (Ustaolago, Ustao- 
slago, Ustadoalu), 117, 118, 
L23,4931 

Ustajlu clan (Ustaxelu, Estexelu), 


45 

Ustyug (Restuc), 260 

Uzbek Tartars, 26, 219-226 

Uzun Hasan (Ussan, Ussam 
Cassano, Cassun, Cassen, Cas- 
sem Bech, Azem Bec, Azem- 


bre), 16, 97-100, 107, 319, 320 


Vahan, 76 

Vakil, 46 

Valdai hills, 332 

Valerian, Emperor, 74 

Valiyan Mountain, 328 

Valla de Amor, 332 

Valladolid, 289-293 

Van Lake (Vuan), 171 
Varahran I, II, and III, 74 
Varahran IV, 75 

Varahran V, 76; and see Bahram 
Fecinos, or householders, 313, 331 
Veiga, Thome da, 310 

Velada, Marquis de, 289 
Venetians and Turks, 97 


Venetians, Travels of, in Persia, | 


16, 312, 313 
Venice, 281 
Verona, 281 








OF PERSIA 


Veys Pasha, 175 

Vitoria, Magellan’s ship, 37, 312 

Vincenzo I, Duke of Mantua, 6, 
281, 336 

Vladimir, town (Valla de Amor), 
249, 332 

Vlaman, 124, 322 

Volga (Eder, Itil), 44, 236, 238, 
241-2455 259, 332, 333 

Voluppo Lake, 245, 332 

Vronica Forest (Euronica), 273 


Waidhausen (Wilithaucen), 279 

Walid I, Caliph (Ulit, Halid), 89 

Warat, 334 

Wartburg, 335 

Wathiq, Caliph, 318 

Weimar (Brymer), 268 

Weissenburg (Bicembrec), 280 

Wernberg (Ginthaoth), 279 

Werra river, 268 

Weser river (Wisurgo), 273 

Wilfuesen, 270 

William 11, Duke of Bavaria, 6, 
336 

Windmills in Saxony, 271 

Windsfeld (Bilifilith), 279 

Wittenberg (Witinberg), 270 

Wives, plurality of, 49 


Xerxes J and II, 66 
Xerxes, or Artabanus III, 70, 315 
Xipric, 270 


Ya‘qub, Sultan (lacopo, lacob 
Bech), 100, 107-110 

Yaroslav (laraslap), 259 

Yazdagird I, 76; III, 316 

Yazid I, Caliph (lezido), 88, 
106 

Yazid 11, Caliph (lezid Calid or 
Gelid), go 

Yezd (Est), 40 

Yunus Pasha (Iunnu Baxa), 115 


' Yusuf, Prince (Usuf, Guisuf), 


140 


S34 


INDEX 
Yusuf Bey (Guusufay, Guzesuf), ¡ Zaragoza, 288 


160 Zaroes, 70 
Yusuf Pasha, or Cigcala Pasha, | Zayn-al-‘Abidin, Fourth Imam 
328 17 
Zelma, 91, 317 
Zaghen (Zagam), 142 Zeneta Berbers, 314 
Zahr Mar, poison snake (Zahar | Zeno, 313 
que mar, Zachari mar), 106 Zezian city, 108 
Zal Khan (Zalchan), 323 Zonaras, 14 
Zalga Fortress, 109 Zuirla, 139 





Zandarud river (Senderu), 39 | Ziirich (Zurioz), 273 


Ap 














: 
16 7 
: sa 


tates a 


ps 


mie i 
ae 

f 
ee beatae 


nt event 


a 


4: 


ÉS 


ae 


i 
i 7 
tr 


ret 


E 


4%: 


Ñ 
el 


fi 4 
if 
a 
dc 





